Translation of the author's summary of the Maratha-Mysore war of 1785-87 from Volume 8.

Campaign against Tipu

After the meeting of the Nizam and Nana Fadnavis at Yadgir, they decided to launch a campaign against Tipu in the following year, this has been described in the previous chapter. When Tipu learnt of the Nizam and the Peshwa planning a campaign against him, he was alarmed. He resolved to strike first before their armies were ready. The previous year, Tipu had taken prisoner an entire English force and dictated terms to the English for peace. Despite the peace treaty, he continued to hold prisoner thousands of English sepoys. As a result, Tipu was in high spirits. He considered himself more than capable of dealing with the joint army of the Nizam and Peshwa.

On the condition that he will aid them in the war with English and remit 6 lakh Rupees per year, Tipu was ceded the lands beyond the Tungabhadra by Nana Fadnavis. Two small states included in these lands were Nargund and Kittur. These were retained in the Peshwa’s rule. However, their dues to Pune were to be collected by Hyder and remitted on their behalf to Pune. Tipu was resolved to annex both these territories, especially Nargund by assault. He nursed special hatred for the Bhaves of Nargund as they were close to the Patwardhans. The Bhaves’ karbhari (general) Kalopant Pethe was a brave and capable man. Considering the Peshwa’s armies to be capable of defending him, he did not pay heed to Tipu’s demands. Previously, Tipu had attacked and been repulsed twice. Kalopant also posted spies in Tipu’s court who would provide intel to Pune.

Tipu knew that if Pune learns of the expedition to Nargund in advance, they will send a relief army to its aid, making its capture impossible. The scheme he devised to get around this shows his treacherous and cunning nature. He sent an envoy to Pune for negotiations but immediately also dispatched an army against Nargund. The Peshwa had complaints about unpaid arrears of tribute for the past 2 years. For discussing this, Tipu claimed to have sent this envoy. But the true aim was that when Nana recieves news of Nargund being sieged, the envoy will be able to lie to him that the army was only there to collect tribute. He will lie further that he does not intend to capture the place or seek any hostilities with the Peshwa. He should say that he is there to make a settlement for the tribute and maintain friendship.

The vakil Tipu sent for this mission to Pune did his job too well! And Nana Fadnavis outdid him in pretending that he believed what he said. With the mediation of Laxmanrao Raste, the vakil had presented a number of points for consideration, when 10 thousand cavalry, 15 thousand drilled infantry, 15 cannons and 2 mortars laid siege to Nargund. Tipu’s son in law Burhanuddin was the main commander of this army. At the same time, Tipu sent messengers to Shindes of Torgal, Desais of Kittur, and Karvir Maharaj demanding tribute and submission or they will face his army. When Parshuram Bhau got word of the siege of Nargund, he immediately sent word to Nana recommending the dispatch of a relief army that would raise the siege. But, pretending to pay heed to what Tipu’s envoy was saying, Nana and Haripant Phadke did not pay heed to what Bhau said. They wanted to avoid a war with Tipu while they were unprepared in the current year. Tipu’s treacherous nature was known well to the Patwardhans and even more to the Nargund garrison. Kaloji Pant knew that an army this large, commanded by someone of importance as Burhanuddin would not leave unless they had taken his fort. But he did not lose heart. He was hopeful that a relief army would arrive from Pune. So rejecting any terms, he prepared for fighting. The fighting lasted for 7 months from January to July 1785. Kalopant had 2000 cavalry, 2000 infantry and some cannons. They were defeated in the outworks and pushed into the fort over time. Once he led a sortie personally on the enemy’s batteries and destroyed it, slaying 100-200. Burhanuddin was angry at this and built more batteries, launching a massive bombardment on the market of the town. Despite this, the garrison repelled them. But the invaders continued to occupy a part of the market, from where they could not be dislodged. On February 12, after anoter attack, they seized the market completely, and the garrison had to abandon it and withdraw to the fort inside. The cavalry also withdrew to the fort, along with many civilians. There were about 4 thousand men capable of fighting in the fort. There was enough shot and powder to last for a few months. The enemy began a heavy bombardment and continued to advance their batteries closer. Kalopant fought with resolve and repulsed all attacks.

When news arrived of the investment of Nargund and capture of the marketplace, it became impossible for Nana to pretend that he was convinced nothing was happening. The vakil was still saying “ Please be at ease, I will write and get the siege lifted.” Ignoring his words, 5000 cavalry was immediately dispatched with Ganeshpant Behre to aid Parshuram Bhau, and wrote a letter to Bhau saying “You should march with this force and yours to raise the siege of Nargund. The vakil is saying he will get the siege raised in one month. But if the fort falls in the meantime then what will we do? Without waiting for anything, you must march immediately. In case the siege is raised, we have no further cause for hostilities, and do not ravage his lands.”

Parshuram Bhau was angry at Nana for the delay shown in responding to the crisis. But after he received the letter from Nana, he was pacified and immediately organized three groups to march. The first had 5000 cavalry, to be commanded by Janoba subhedar, and under him was Trimbakrao Retrekar. This force was tasked to march to Manoli and watch the mountain pass. The second force was 10,000 cavalry commanded by Raghunath Kurundvadkar and assisted by Ganeshpant Behre, Raste, Venkatrao Ghorpade Sondurkar. They were to march to Ramdurg. From the pass there, march to Nargund and raise the siege. If the enemy resists, they were to engage them in battle. But it was of utmost importance. After sending these two groups, Parshuram Bhau himself went to Mudhol with 7000 cavalry to send reinforcements to either force as he saw fit.

Burhanuddin got word that the Marathi force is marching on him. He decided to make utmost exertions to capture the fort before they arrived. Seeing that the artillery was making no impression on the fort, he decided to launch a direct assault and ordered the sepoys ahead. Under heavy fire they reached the base of the bastions. The garrison attacked them with musketry and stones, killing almost 100. The remaining men panicked and fled. All this while, the work of digging trenches and batteries closer to the walls continued day and night, eventually reaching close to the bastions. Here it came to a halt, as the ground was hard rock. After waiting for a few days to restore their morale, he attempted a second larger attack on the walls by escalade. This time he lost almost a thousand men dead and 2 thousand more wounded from the garrison’s fire. This time his men’s morale collapsed and they abandoned the batteries. Elated by their performance, the garrison swept down from the bastions and attacked the remaining men in their trenches and batteries, slaying even more, and set fire to the guns and ammo.

While this was the situation, Kuruvandkar, Raste, Behere and others reached Ramdurg. Crossing the pass, they halted within 2 kos from Nargund. Seeing this, the garrison cheered and fired some cannons in celebration. It was impossible to maintain the siege while facing this external army, so Burhanuddin was forced to lift the siege. He sent the large siege cannons to Dharwar. With the rest of his army he marched to river Bonihal and entrenched himself, waiting for reinforcements from Shrirangapattanam.

Col. Wilkis writes that at this time, Tipu’s army withdrew due to lack of water, but we have given the true reason above. At this time, the claim that Tipu’s sardars insulted the Marathi sardars and a small skirmish following it are also false. In this campaign, the Marathi force did not advance to attack. This is because Nana had issued strict orders not to engage unless fired upon. “We wish to keep good terms with Rao Pantpradhan so we have ordered to raise the siege of Nargund”  - such a letter was received by Tipu’s vakil. But Parshuram Bhau was not happy with the state of affairs. He demanded that Burhanuddin should release any civilians he has taken captive, vacate any outposts he has occupied around Nargund, and withdraw with all his force to beyond the Tungabhadra. Only if all three demands are acceded to, then they can be trusted. Nana was of the opinion that “the enemy’s envoy is here to negotiate the tribute. If he has lifted the siege then why should we create more problems? As the end of the year is approaching and we are not prepared, it is better not to start a battle at this time. If the envoy is negotiating in a straightforward manner, so should we.” Nana also wrote to the Nizam regarding this matter, and he replied that “it is better if war can be avoided. But if it becomes unavoidable, then we must face it. Either way we are with you. A force of 10 thousand cavalry with Kay-ul-mulk is being sent to your aid to Surapur. If needed, Bhau should summon him.” In summary, the Nizam was vacillating just like Nana. The English envoy at the nizam’s court was of the opinion “if the Nizam and the Peshwa are launching an expedition against Tipu, the company may be interested in contributing.” But since the English had signed a peace with Tipu previously without consulting the others, they were not too keen on getting the Company involved.

In the end, Nana and Haripant decided to avoid any decisive fighting for the year, and finally wrote to Bhau “The enemy has raised the siege of Nargund. You have accomplished what you set out to do. After that, without following the enemy, your forces should retire to Ramdurg and camp there. If the enemy advances on you, withdraw but do not escalate. The envoy here has almost negotiated a settlement although I am not sure of his intentions. So Kalopant, Venkatrao and any other nobles whose families are Nargund, should be brought back with you. Kalopant fought very bravely. He should not remain there nor should he keep any family members there. Only one capable sardar and 2 thousand men should remain.

Bhau, who had a strong dislike to Tipu was a brave and capable general. When repeated letters like this began arriving, he was greatly angered. He replied “Why is the karbhari (general) so afraid of Tipu? What does Tipu have to do with the greatness of our state? We have 20 thousand cavalry, 4000 infantry, as well as artillery ready. We are capable of charging Burhanuddin’s sepoys and destroying them, seizing his artillery and driving him beyond the Tungabhadra. Despite this, the karbhari is telling us to withdraw even if the enemy attacks us instead of fighting. Then what can I do? If a peace treaty has been settled, then why does he want us to evacuate the family of Kalopant and the rest? Since the government is ordering us so, it is our duty to withdraw. But if we continue on this path, I will lose faith in the government’s intentions, and it will be a difficult task for the karbhari. This is something he should think about.”

Lots of civilians and animals alike had crowded into the fort, which were evacuated by Bhau. Despite his pleas, Kalopant refused to vacate the fort and send his family away. Fate willed his mind in this manner. Since letters are arriving from Pune that a peace has been negotiated, the enemy wont come this way again - either because of such a thought or because he feared that the garrison will surrender quickly without him, Kalopant assumed there will be a campaign against the enemy after the rains, and he planned to hold the fort until then. How this decision sealed his fate we will see ahead.

To reinforce Burhanuddin, Tipu sent a second army. Now he had 30 thousand sepoys, 10 thousand cavalry, and 30 cannons. Now confident that he had enough men to face Bhau, he began to march straight and arrived near Ramdurg’s valley. Sealing the passes, he sent one detachment to Ramdurg. With the remaining army he laid siege to Nargund yet again. At the mountain pass, Kuruvandkar, Raste, Behere etc did not have the numbers to face Burhanuddin, so they began a fighting retreat. Everyday there would be skirmishing and both sides lost some men. On one day the Maratha cavalry destroyed a small camp and drove away their cavalry, capturing 100 horses. But it remained small skirmishes. Fighting rearguard actions, they finally reached the bank of the river Krishna. Nana Fadnavis had not made arrangements to supply coin and supplies for this army from Pune. Burhanuddin’s force was not capable of launching an invasion of Swarajya’s territory proper, but when news arrived in Pune of Burhanuddin crossing Ramdurg, Manoli, Bannur and captured these outposts, Nana dispatched 2000 sepoys, 10,000 cavalry and some cannons to Bhau’s aid. But now there was no use of this haste. Due to rains, the roads had closed. The rivers flooded. The time to move armies had passed. That is why Parshuram Bhau was forced to send his gathered men back to their quarters. Raste, Behere and other sardars did not return to Pune. Instead they remained in camp on the Krishna riverbank. The cannons bombarding Nargund could be heard as far away as Gokak. But the time for decisive action was gone. Now there was no force capable of resisting.

Parshuram Bhau was of the opinion that even though the Ramdurg pass was sealed, there were other passes through which he could march and fall on the enemy’s rear. If Nana had accepted these proposals, Bhau would have forced Burhanuddin to vacate the Ramdurg encampment and withdraw. He would not have thought of marching to Nargund again. But Nana feared that Tipu will declare war as this would involve Maratha troops marching into Tipu’s territory. In the end, Tipu did what he meant to do all along. The loss of prestige taken by Marathi state was dealt anyway, but Tipu also got an opportunity to insult them further. Previously, Hyder Ali had taken the fort of Gooty and imprisoned Murrarao Ghorpade and his family, and at the battle of Saunshi, he had defeated the Marathi army and taken Pandurangrao Patwardhan and Shivrav Ghorpade prisoners. This stung the Pune darbar, but caught up in internal matters they had been unable to take their revenge - so we can say. But in this Nargund episode, if Nana had taken it seriously, it would have avoided this third embarassment - in our opinion. Anyway. Now what is left to narrate is the tale of the Nardung garrison, which is a moving story.

We have narrated earlier how Burhanuddin laid siege to the fort again in May. Despite repeated attacks, he was unable to make any breach, while he kept taking heavy losses every time. So he decided to see the result after heavy bombardment. Just then news arrived that “Burhanuddin has prepared a wax model of the fort and sent it to Shrirangapattanam. Seeing it, Tipu commanded that at the spot labelled Pusati, fire one lakh cannonballs at the fort. If that does not work then we will see what to do. To execute this, the attackers are producing 1000-2000 cannonballs per day outside the fort.” Although these were rumours floating in to the garrison, it is true that the fort was being bombarded very heavily. Despite this, Tipu’s golandaz (artillerymen) proved unable to make any breach in the fort. Eventually Burhanuddin decided to starve out the garrison and in this he met with success. Badami’s killedar Ghulam Haider who was known to Kalopant was sent to him with a message “You have fought valiantly. Now why are you enduring suffering? You should descend from the fort and hand it over to us. You will be escorted safely outside our lands without any harm.”  At the time, Kalopant rejected the offer. But at the end of July such a situation came to pass that despite all his bravery he was forced to surrender. In that year, the rains were absent around Nargund. As a result it became easy for the attackers to continue their siege, and despite the rainy season, the garrison had a shortage of water. Then with the mediation of the Kazi of Torgal, they came to an arrangement that Burhanuddin will permit them to go where they please if they vacate the fort. He promised not to harm them or the families of the garrison or their property. After this arrangement, Kalopant, Venkatrao and their families descended the fort. But Burhanuddin treacherously arrested them. How this happened will be better understood from reading the newsletters from the time.

[quoted passages]

In this manner, Kalopant, Venkatrao and their families were put in chains and sent to Shrirangapattanam. They were moved in small groups to avoid the risk of any rebellion or escape. Previously, when Murrarrao Ghorpade was taken prisoner treacherously, a similar method had to be followed.

Tipu’s campaign against Kittur

September 1785 to March 1786

In August 1785, after the capture of Nargund, Burhanuddin sent his army to capture Kittur. In this army, to help him, were Said Gaffar and Sheikh Ansar as sardars. More reinforcements kept arriving from Shrirangapattanam. Finally he had 15,000 sepoys, 7-8 thousand Karnataki infantry, 8000 cavalry and 40 siege cannons.

When this force arrived in the vicinty of Kittur, its sardar Desai thought that if Nargund’s killedar who fought so bravely and even received reinforcements had to end up a prisoner, we will end up in the same fashion if we resist. So he decided to surrender and submit right away. Thinking thus, he went and met the sultan’s army. But to be honourable to the surrendering force was never in Tipu’s code of conduct. Along with his family and military chief Gurudaspant, everyone was arrested and confined, and Kittur and its dependencies were annexed.

Once this was done, the army began to march towards the Peshwa’s lands. In the months of November and December, they captured outposts like Dodwad, Khanapur, Sampgaon, Baswant, Bagewadi etc. At the time, the Desai at Jamboti was quite strong. For his reduction, 5-7 thousand sepoys, 4 cannons marched to Jamboti and laid siege. For a week the garrison resisted. Eventually, the Desai abandoned the post at night and escaped. Around this time the enemy also captured the outpost at Nesar.

The outpost at Sada is at the old borders of Sawantwadi. If he marched on them, the Sadekars would combine their forces with the Portuguese at Goa and the Desais of Sawantwadi -such was the news. But ultimately no assistance was provided so this outpost also fell. Towards the end of December the enemy captured Hoskote and Pacchapur. In summary, other than Belgaum the Peshwa had no major fort left in the region. Near the fort was the Patwardhans’ province of Shahpur. Since the fort was nearby it was saved.

News of the enemy pillaging the land around Belgaum began to arrive at Pune. In January 1786 Nana Fadnavis departed with the army to meet the Nizam. When it became unavoidable to resist the damage being done to Belgaum, Nana dispatched some soldiers from Tukoji Holkar’s regiments to Kittur. Ganeshpant Behere who was encamped on the Krishna river for some time also mobilized his men and marched with 10 thousand cavalry to Yeur-Manjri. At this time, the Desai of Sade gathered some 2000 men and “made a surprise attack on Sade outpost and slew 150 men and even their families. The rest of the garrison fled and the outpost was recovered. There were 5 cannons in the outpost and shot and powder. Food and other items that had been replenished were also secured. Rajashri Nilkanth Gowda Sardesai Khanapur’s son Venkatrao did all this.”

A man named Venkatranga had negotiated with Tipu that he would secure 5 lakhs in tribute from Kittur and arrived in the vicinity from Shrirangapattanam. Despite extorting two or three times that amount, his greed was not satisfied. He dug up the mansions and storage and confiscated any coin, jewelry etc belonging to the wealthy. Anyone of wealth in the province was arrested and ransomed. Not only did he extract all the regular taxes from the peasants, but on top he added a tax called umbarpatti and took an extra 3 Rupees from each family. While this was being done by the tax collector, the army wasn’t idle either. They were gathering all the grain and supplies in the province and dispatched it to Dharwar. They reduced the province to dire straits after its capture - of which one incident was the worst. That incident is- any young women or men were made prisoners and taken away. The women were sent to harems of Tipu or his sardars. The men were forcibly converted and forced into service. Some 5 to 8 battalions of soldiers were formed of such men. Regarding this, the newsletters in Kannada are surprising.

[quoted passages]

When they got news of the approach of Holkars, Beheres, they sent their camp followers and siege artillery to Dharwad and Misrikote. The army was divided into two divisions and remained deployed near Kittur and Khanapur. When the raiders of the Kittur contingent marched to Hukkeri and Gokak, the peasants in the region fled to Miraj. Just then, learning of the Maratha army closing in, they withdrew, combined their forces and deployed near Kittur. But they did not intend to fight hard. If engaged, they were planning to withdraw into the dense forest, to Dharwad and then Murgod. But to their surprise, when they got reports that the Maratha army did not go to Kittur but to Dharwad, they kept only 5000 cavalry at Kittur and the rest withdrew to Hubli and camped below the fort.

Despite his surrender, the Kittur’s Desai gained nothing from it. Instead his entire province was ravaged as described above, and he ended up in chains in Shrirangapattanam.

First expedition against Tipu

September 1785 to April 1787

In 1785, Tipu sent an army to capture Nargund and Kittur, two small states that were to be defended by the Peshwa. But since the Marathas and the Nizam were unprepared for war in that year, both Nizam Ali and Nana Fadnavis preferred to not escalate into war and try and continue negotiations. But disregarding their hand of friendship, Tipu seized both provinces and annexed them. Not only this, but he also captured the province between the two rivers Gatprabha and Malprabha near Belgav and was planning to march on Miraj. This has been narrated in the previous two chapters. As a result, since Tipu initiated the war, it was left to Nana Fadnavis and Nizam to finish it as they saw fit.

As soon as the fort of Nargund was lost, Nana Fadnavis began mobilizing for war in August 1785. Mudhoji Bhonsle of Nagpur had arrived in Pune at this time. In the recently concluded Anglo-Maratha war, the Bhonsles did not help the Pune darbar but leaned towards the English, hence Nana Fadnavis was angry at Bhonsles. With the intention of restoring good ties and to secure the title of Senasahebsubha for his son from the Peshwa, Mudhoji Bhonsle came to Pune. After much discussion, it was decided that past grievances should be forgotten, and if there was a war in the future between the Marathas and English, the Bhonsles would without question side with Pune. Nana Fadnavis agreed that Mudhoji’s son Raghuji would be granted the Senasahebsubha title again. Since his health was not in good spirits, Mudhoji left behind his son Manyaba with 2000 horse and left for Nagpur to mobilize the army and return.

[ Part about festivals and misc is skipped]

To chalk out the campaign against Tipu, Nana Fadnavis had summoned Parshuram Bhau, Gangadharrao and Raghunathrao Patwardhan to Pune. But Parshuram Bhau replied that the previous year, Nana left him in the lurch and forced him to remain idle despite his sound advice, and that he has no interest in giving any counsel. Nana should decide the course of action and send him the orders. He will not go to Pune.

Despite the unhappiness expressed by the Patwardhans, Nana had to continue mobilizing the army. Towards the end of Shravan, Haripant Phadke arrived in the camp tents. Letters had been sent out to the shiledars and sardars to assemble for the march. But until the end of the Karthik month, the army had not begun its march. On December 12, Nana Fadnavis himself arrived in the camp. Tukoji Holkar was already at Pune. Together with Haripant, they marched via Baramati to Pandharpur. After 4-5 days, Nana Fadnavis marched on the same route after them. Letters were received about Bhonsles having completed their preparations and marching from Gavilgad. Further away the Nizam was also ready. With slow marches, the Nizam’s troops were marching towards Yadgir.

[ some text about marriages in Haripant Phadke’s family skipped]

When the army reached Pandharpur, Parshurambhau arrived from Tasgaon, and Raghunathrao from Kurundvada joined with their regiments. Mudhoji Bhonsle arrived from Nagpur. Together they marched to join the Nizam. In this army, the Peshwa’s huzurat was commanded by Haripant Phadke and Bajipant Anna. In addition, Patwardhan, Bhonsle, Holkar and other sardars were also present with their soldiers. Ganeshpant Behre was camped in southern districts since the previous year near Krishna river. Since Burhanuddin had 25 thousand sepoys and 25 cannons at Kittur, Nana concluded that Behere alone would not be able to hold on his own against him, and detached Holkars to join him, along with 5000 from the Peshwa’s cavalry.

[False rumours of Tipu’s death skipped]

The Nizam’s army had reached and made camp at Yadgir before the Maratha army arrived. Together the camps spread out over a distance of 10-15 kos. As the old subhedar of the 6 subahs of the Deccan, it need not be mentioned that his camp was a grand spectacle. Equally grand and ponderous was the camp of the Peshwa’s karbhari. Thus it would take a long time for talks. A month and a half passed in deliberations.

Nana Fadnavis did not have any inclination to stay with the army till the conclusion of the campaign against Tipu. His aim was to set the campaign on its course and return to Pune as soon as possible. This is because even though the treacherous Dadasaheb (Raghunathrao) had passed away, his wife Anandibai was still around. She had two sons BajiraoII and Chimnaji. Raghunathrao’s supporters were still embedded, and there was always a persistent threat to the life of Sawai Madhavrao. Nana endeavored to leave the burden of the campaign to Haripant and Nizam Ali and return quickly. But seeing Nana’s intention to withdraw, Nizam Ali also declined to accompany the army. Seeing that both of them are leaving, Mudhoji also announced his intention to return to Nagpur. Parshuram Bhau had anyway declared he was not going to accompany the army. This is because the new army he was to raise for this expedition was still being deliberated and it did not seem like any conclusion would be made. Regarding this, the letters of the time are quite entertaining. Patwardhans’ vakil Vaddekar writes on 8 March in a letter “We met Nawab Nizam Ali and discussions are on. Eventually Nana said that he was going to Pune and requested the Nizam and Tatya (Haripant) to proceed. To this, the Nawab replied that since Nana is leaving, so will he. Good relations between us for 40 years have been spoilt due to you. If you are leaving, what is the use of our presence? We are leaving.” Deliberating this took so long. In the end, due to fear that it will spoil diplomatic ties and fail the campaign, Nana decided to stay. From here, they will march to the Krishna river. The territory beyond it will be partitioned evenly between the two powers - as per the decided arranagement. Bhausaheb has not decided anything yet. (Patwardhans?). We have not yet met the Nizam’s sardars. But we met Nana and Tatya. Similarly, we met the Bhonsles in their tents. The Nawab once came to the Peshwas’ tent and was gifted a robe and jewels worth 10,000 rupees. That Tipu is alive (and rumours of death are false) is news arriving from Adoni.

[more quoted letters in a similar vein skipped]

“ Similar to this many discussions went on. Nothing was finalized. Today we marched 5 kos. In a couple of days something will be decided, then I will write more. Some of the Nawab’s troops and some soldiers of Rajashri Bajipant Joshi were sent to Kanakgiri. Tipu has made 2 to 4 days of marches towards us from Shrirangapattanam. He has 50-60 thousand foot, 15-16 thousand cavalry, 200 cannons according to sources. But nothing is confirmed yet.”

To reconcile Haripant and Parshuram Bhau who were both upset with Nana, the Nizam’s karbhari Main-ud-daula mentioned is the same who would prove to be the cause of the war of Kharda later, Mushir-ul-mulk!

Because of the Nizam’s insistence that he would continue only if Nana remained with the army, he dropped his plan to return to Pune. But the Nizam was even more anxious than Nana to return. After deliberations, both decided to capture Badami first and marched to it. Then Nizam Ali announced on his own, his intention to depart soon. Nana and Haripant insisted that he should stay but he would not listen. Leaving an army of 25-30 thousand with his sardarTaivar-jung under the command of Haripant, the Nizam departed for Bhagnagar.

For this campaign against Tipu, Nana and Mahadji had already written to Calcutta to Lotsaheb(?) to invite the English. He replied that the English had just concluded peace with him, and it would sully their reputation to go to war openly so soon without a strong cause. So for this, they offered to send 5 battalions but they would stay within the borders of Maratha or Nizam’s lands and fight defensively, and avoid crossing over into Tipu’s border. But this kind of help was not in the interest of either Nizam or the Marathas. This discussion was mainly to decieve Tipu and to prevent the English from joining forces with him - hence this exchange of letters continued for months. When a foreign state’s ambassador is posted, he usually stays in that state’s capital. They cannot go around on campaigns of the army of that state. Regardless, Nana had taken along the English envoy with their army to Badami. His intention was to show to Tipu’s spies that he was on very good terms with the English. But Tipu saw through it.

In this province, the fort of Badami was renowned for its strength. In addition, Tipu had spent a large sum strengthening it further. With the mediation of the Nargundkars, the sardar Ghulam Haider who betrayed and captured the fort was posted as its commander along with a sizeable force. On 1st May, 1786, the Marathi army began to dig trenches and lay siege. Despite the efforts of the garrison, each day the trenches got closer. Parshuram Bhau’s trench and batteries were the furthest ahead, and he used to inspect it daily. The progress was slow. It was thought that the fort would take too long to fall by siege, and in the meantime Tipu would arrive with a large army, so it is better to attack. The ladders were prepared for escalade.

Even before the siege of Badami, Bajipant Anna was sent to the Tungabhadra, as mentioned earlier. With long marches, Bajipant marched to Kanakgiri. He had planned to seize Tipu’s financers. But they got word of his arrival and they escaped. Not just this, but the peasants in Kanakgiri and Anagundi had fled to Tipu’s lands along with their possessions and animals. Bajipant sacked Handmasagar’s marketplace, and captured Kachengund outpost, wiping out Tipu’s men posted there. Just then he got a letter from Nana ordering him to return. So he returned to Badami. The sardar Raste in the army of the Beheres was also summoned to Badami.

After Nizam Ali’s departure Nana wanted to leave but the sardars prevailed in convincing him to stay until the fort was captured. On 20 May, the three forces, Peshwa, Bhonsles and Nizam all launched a simultaneously and captured the fort. A bureaucrat named Nilkanth Ponkshe has given an account of the attack. He refers to Parshuram Bhau as  Yajman Swami. The account is as follows-

“Shrimant Nana began to indicate he wants to leave for Pune. Everyone insisted that he should stay until the fort is captured. Even so, he was very insistent on leaving. For 2-3 days there was much confusion. Then Yajman Swami asked Shrimant Appasaheb to exit the camp at a suitable muhurat, but not proceed nor return. It was also decided to assault the fort. The ladders and other material was already gathered.  On ch21 Rajjab, Mandvar, at sunrise, the attack was launched. To the west of the fort was one major battery. Here and near the main gate the defenders had two mines. Both were ignited. A large number of our men were killed in the blast. Around 150 people were killed. Another 200-250 wounded. Mortally wounded 15. The main gate’s breach was captured by Yajman Swami’s men immediately. He was right behind them. There was a mansion in the town outside the fort that was also attacked at the same time. Parshuram Bhau secured his position at the gate, then retired. The garrison opened talks, and offered to surrender if they were allowed to leave unharmed. The government’s cannons stopped bombardment. But the garrison’s men did not descend. Parshuram Bhau sent word to Haripant that “he was unhappy with the terms offered, and cannonfire should resume. If they want to surrender, they will. The terms were offered yesterday but they have still not exited. The commander Ghulam Haider is treacherous and should be arrested, not let go. As well as anyone related to the treachery. The rest should be released.” Haripant said “he had already accepted the garrison’s surrender and it would be dishonourable to violate it, and that he was confident they would exit the fort soon. The fort’s water is also about to run out. There are too many animals inside. Many of the good fighters are already slain. Civilians have also died. The government has set up checkpoints. The ones surrendering are released only after identification. Buried treasure was shown to us by local priest. They were recovered and taken posession of. More are being interrogated. Any brahmins (priests) in the town have already exited and surrendered to the governement.”

Govind Sakhdev also writes an account “In front of the main gate, we had a battery. They had buried a large mine in the trench below it. As soon as we got close, they ignited the mine. There was a huge explosion. At that time, Shrimant Rajashri’s Shiledars, Rohillas and Brahmins together lost around 100 men killed. The men of the huzurat had attacked as well, they also took casualties. They lost around 60 men. The casualties were not too severe. In total, counting the Bhonsles, Huzurat and Nawab and Bhau, total 800 were killed. The defenders lost around 600. The moat is very deep and wide, the walls are very strong, thus the fort is very strong. But by the Shrimant’s fortune it was captured.”

Thus after the capture of Badami, Nana Fadnavis departed for Pune. Along with him, Parshuram Bhau left for Tasgaon. Right from the start, Parshuram Bhau’s heart was not in the campaign. In the previous year, Nana had ordered Bhau to raise a large army and at the last moment asked him to withdraw. This was greatly bothering Bhau. There were regular arguments between the two about Bhau raising a new army for this campaign. As Nana and Haripant did not agree with him, he was upset. Regardless, he did the best he could so as to discharge his duties as a general honourably in the siege of Badami. This has already been described above. When Nana began to depart, he asked, “what is the point of my staying with the army? I should go home for my son’s thread ceremony. My forces are already with the army. I am appointing Raghunath Kuruvandkar in command in my absence. He will do as commanded by Haripant. If I had a new army then it would have been essential for me to stay. If that has not come to pass, then why should I stay?” To this, Haripant and Nana insisted that without him, the army’s morale would drop, and they valued his counsel in planning greatly. Finally he was convinced to go home and return to the army after his son’s thread ceremony. But Bhau’s real intention was to follow the news of the campaign from a distance.

When Nana and Bhau left, Mudhoji of course soon followed. Bhonsles being one of the great houses of the Maratha nobility, could not serve under any other sardar except the Peshwa. If the Nizam Ali had stayed it was a different matter. Instead of the Peshwa, his army chief Haripant would be the commander, so Mudhoji  deputed Manyaba Bapu his army chief in his place and retired. Thus he informed Nana. Since he was not staying himself, he could not insist Mudhoji to stay. If he was asked to stay, then it would have meant handing over command to him as the seniormost sardar. Thus he had to accept Mudhoji’s departure. By slow marches, via Pandharpur, he left for Pune and then Nagpur.

[Few paragraphs about Nana’s halts for feasts with sardars is skipped]

In the Kittur province, Nana had already dispatched Holkars to reinforce Ganeshpant Behre as written earlier. The movements of Holkars and Beheres will be described in brief before returning to the main army’s maneouvers. After the two sardars combined, they remained in camp at Vakund for a long time. Except Kittur, all other outposts around it were taken over swiftly either by bribery or treachery. Not only that, but they even let it be known that they would soon invest Kittur. Alarmed at this, Burhanuddin had garrisoned Kittur with 3000 drilled infantry and artillery, along with sizeable stocks of grain and powder, shot. He moved his army to a mountainous terrain near Kittur where dense forest covered his flanks and waited for the Maratha army to arrive and lay siege to it. (Hoping to trap it between the fort and his army.)

But Holkars and Beheres never intended to lay siege to Kittur! Their attention was firmly on Savnur. Its Nawab was being asked to pay tribute by Tipu. But the Savnur nawab was warned by Holkars “If you do so, you will fall out of good ties with the Peshwe government. If Tipu invades, we will defend you. You should not pay him tribute.”

The nawab did not have a good estimate of Tipu anyway. Seeing that he is evading tribute, Tipu gave his moneylender Raghavendra Naik a force and dispatched it to Savnur to collect it. This moneylender was known to have been very rich. When news of his arrival at Savnur was received, Holkars marched 40 kos overnight to Savnur. But before their arrival, Raghavendra had received word of it 4 ghatikas earlier. With haste, he fled beyond the Tungabhadra. Although he was not caught, 4-5 other moneylenders from Tipu were taken prisoner and ransomed for a high sum. To protect Savnur, Ganeshpant was left with 15000 cavalry. Holkars moved with the rest to dislodge Tipu’s tax collector who had occupied the outpost of Lakshi-meshwar of the Patwardhans. On the way, to establish an outpost at Dharwar, Bapu Holkar and his diwan Parshurampant were detached with 10,000 cavalry and with the remaining 15,000 cavalry, he returned near Kittur.

Due to the presence of the armies of Behere and Bapu Holkar, Tipu’s outposts in Lakshimeshwar province - Saunshi, Malgund, Gadag, Tadas, Behatti, Navalgund were all captured. Sirhatti, Thelvanti, Shrimantgad, Vadhatti, Balehasur, were still in Tipu’s possession, and efforts were underway to capture them. The Desai of Hubli, Kanchan Gowda sent word to Bapu Holkar at Behatti, offering to hand over the two outposts that he had- new and old Hubali to his army if they march. On receipt of this offer, Bapu Holkar and Parshurampant marched to Hubali. To help them, Ganeshpant sent his relative Mahadjipant along with some cavalry. As promised, Kanchan Gowda handed them possession of old and new Hubali. Just as he was about to hand over New Hubali, this news reached Tipu’s killedar of Dharwar. Kanchan Gowda’s son had been left as hostage in the fort. The killedar tied him up and threatened to blow him up from a cannon if the Desai surrendered old Hubali to the Marathas. Fearing for his son’s life, he became evasive about surrendering old Hubali. But the cannons that were brought with the Marathas now opened fire. Due to this checkmate at Hubali, Burhanuddin, who was opposing Holkar, marched away to Kalghat. At night, he gathered his sepoys and attempted to make a night attack on Bapu Holkar. But they got informed of this from their spies, so they raised the siege and retired to Behatti. Tukoji Holkar had kept a close watch on Burhanuddin’s movements anyway. When he got news of his movements, he also marched from Vakund to Behatti and taking some forces there, reinvested Hubali. These events happened from March to June (1786).

When Badami was besieged, the garrison thought Tipu will march to their aid, and accordingly, news of his arrival at Vadaru beyond the Tungabhadra was received. This is precisely why the Marathas made haste to capture the fort before he gets close, as described earlier. At this time, Tipu realized he would not be able to reinforce Badami in time and returned south. Before returning, he sent a vakil to the Bhonsles to open negotiations with all 3. When Mudhoji halted at Pune, long discussions happened with the mediation of the Bhonsles. But no common ground could be found.

Once Badami was captured, Haripant was free to plan the rest of the campaign ahead. In his command, Patwardhans, Rastes, Akkalkotkars’s regiments and the huzurat together totalled around 40-50 thousand cavalry. In addition, Manyaba Bhonsles of Nagpur had 10,000. In addition, Tahavar Jung of Nizam Ali had 25,000. The Mughal’s army had a lot of sepoys and artillery. Haripant had 7-8 thousand sepoys and a good park of artillery. In this way, around three fourths of a lakh soldiers were with Haripant. In addition, Holkars and Beheres at Dharward and Savnur together had around 40,000 counting foot and horse. This number looks very large. But in this army, the number of sardars who had their heart in the campaign was few and had no unity of command. The level of command Haripant had on his own forces was far greater than he could control the Nizam’s forces or Bhonsles. The Nizam’s troops were as usual indisciplined and unruly.

Towards the end of May, after securing Badami, Haripant marched towards Gajendragad. After it was invested, two contingents of sepoys marching to reinforce it were caught out of position and destroyed by Marathas. With the Ghorpades as mediator, the killedar opened negotiations to surrender the fort. After 8 dyas of negotiations, it seemed like he will capitulate. Just then news arrived that Tipu has laid siege to Adoni. This was held by Nizam Ali’s brother Baslat Jung - this will be remembered by the reader as mentioned earlier. Baslat Jung had expired by now and his son MohbatJung was the commander along with his family. Tipu invested it and tried to capture it by assault. Despite this, Mohabat Jung repulsed two assaults. “If you do not reinforce us in time, we will be taken prisoner along with our family. To preserve the honour of our family, to prevent our wives and daughters from falling into the hands of Tipu, at least for this, reinforcements should be sent” - such a plea was received by Nizam Ali from Mohabat Jung. Nizam Ali immediately sent his younger brother  Mogal Ali with 25,000 and rushed a letter to Haripant requesting him to combine with Mogal Ali and force Tipu to raise the siege. When he received this letter, Haripant left one third of his total force to continue the siege and sent the remainder towards Adoni on June 9. The main sardar of this army was Appa Balwant, and under his command were Bajipant Anna, Raghunathrao Nilkanth Patwardhan and the Mughal sardar TahavarJung and his subordinates. Combining with Mogal Ali arriving from Bhagnagar, they made haste for Adoni. As soon as they arrived in the vicinty, Tipu raised the siege and withdrew 3 kos. On June 22, (1786), Appa Balwant, Bajipant and Raghunathrao Patwardhan readied their force and advanced for battle. Tipu had left an advanced picket of 1000-1200 cavalry which was destroyed, and 100-150 horses captured. Tipu marched out at the head of sepoys and artillery, and opened a tremendous cannonade. In fighting that went on for several hours, Tipu was eventually forced back to his camp. Despite the intensity of the fighting, the 40-50 thousand Mughal troops sat idly in their camp. They did not reinforce or support the Maratha troops in any way.

Two days after Appa Balwant’s departure, Gajendragad capitulated to Haripant. Then he marched to join the rest of the army and halted at Kavtal Bhanu. Althought it was nearing the end of the campaigning season (due to monsoons and river flooding), he intended to cross the Tungabhadra, combine their armies and force a decisive battle with Tipu in his lands. This year, the rains had been delayed. For one or 2 more constellations, had there been no rain, his plan would have worked out well, and they would have been able to camp in the same place for 3-4 months. But the untimely bursting of heavy rainfall in the Adra(?) constellation, Haripant worried if he would have to abandon the idea of crossing the river and if his army would be stranded on the other side the entire season. In this game, Tipu had checkmated Haripant and waited to see how he will move. If he crosses over with his entire force, his camp and followers would be left behind, and it would not be possible to supply the large gathered force with grain and fodder. If he did not cross, could the stranded force hold on its own against Tipu? Nargund’s experience was fresh in his mind. Taking all this into consideration, he wrote to Appa Balwant “You should tell MohabatJung to take his family and exit the fort, cross the river while it is still fordable and come to this side.” Appa Balwant accordingly wrote to Mohabat Jung. But despite knowing the enemy will seize it, Mohabat Jung was unable to deplete the granaries, destroy the cannons before evacuating the fort. By the time he reached the river, it was already beginning to flood. Barely had the army finished crossing that the river flooded completely.

In this way, after extricating himself from Adoni, the two armies combined and made camp at Kanakgiri. After taking leave of Mogal Ali, taking along Tahavar Jung, Haripant marched to Bahadur Benda. By now, it was the end of July. As soon as the reinforcing army recrossed the Tungabhadra, Tipu’s flag flew on Adoni. Parshuram Bhau did not like Haripant’s decision to abandon Adoni. But we have seen above the difficult position Haripant was in.

After capturing Adoni, Tipu crossed over to the southern bank of the Tungabhadra with 50-60 thousand sepoys, 25 thousand cavalry, 150 cannons. When the Savnur Nawab heard of this, he was scared. He was married to Tipu’s sister. By this relation, they should have been close. But in practice they hated each other. As soon as Tipu crossed south, the nawab sent a messenger to Haripant saying he and his family would abandon the fort and join his army. But Haripant dissuaded him saying Tipu will not march with such a large force when the river is in flood. If he sends a smaller force, Behere has been deputed to defend you. If you leave Savnur, the entire province’s administration will panic and abandon their posts. This is why, you must stay. If you are short on manpower, we will send our sepoys and cavalry to Savnur. On receipt of this, the nawab got heart to stay. Ganeshpant Behere who had been posted to defend him, passed away after a short illness in the end of July. Command now fell to his nephew Mahadjipant.

Haripant believed Tipu would not be able to cross the river and attack in the monsoon, so of Dharwar subah and the Patwardhan lands, except for capturing the outpost of Dharwar, he remained idle, expecting to gradually seize the rest. We have already written earlier about him investing Bahadurbenda. After capturing it, he laid siege to Kopal. This fort was about to surrender, around the end of July, news arrived that Tipu had built a bridge of boats and forded the river along with his entire army north of the river to Galganath. Duff saheb did not know where is this place, and despite his search, he said he was unable to locate it. Nor is it located on any maps as per him. This place is called “Garghat” by him while Col Wilkis calls it “Karaknat”. Wilkis’ pronounciation is closer to the original than Duff. Considering that accessible points of a river must be named “Ghat”, how will Duff find it on the map? Galagnath is a famous place to cross the Tungabhadra in the Dharwar province, in the Haveri taluka.

Knowing that since the enemy has crossed over, he will try to march on Savnur first, Haripant left Raghunath Patwardhan with 10,000 at Kopal and marched towards Tipu with the rest of the army. At the junction of the rivers Tungabhadra and Vardha, Tipu had made camp at a place called Itanga. To his west was Vardha or Bala river and keeping a small rivulet to his front, he built trenches and artillery batteries of large siege cannons and fortified his position. His army was supplied with grain and fodder across the Tungabhadra from his lands and from west of Vardha river. Haripant in Lakshmi-eshwar Pargana, camped between Kapotgud and Banikop. From there, the enemy was 3 kos away. While marching from Kopal, Haripant sent away most of his camp followers to Ramdurg. He kept himself unemcumbered by any heavy baggage or large artillery.

( The following passage has been translated as it is written by Khare. It is not an accurate representation of how battles were fought between infantry and cavalry. But the author’s opinion is reproduced as it is.

Infantry relied entirely on firepower, firing volleys. They formed squares to guard against cavalry charges. Cavalry did not dash into infantry head on from the front. Cavalry ranks were thin, only 2 or 3. Massed firepower from 3 ranks of infantry could scatter even a frontal cavalry charge. Infantry was trained to form squares and hold their bayonets out to form a spear wall that would keep cavalry away.

Moreover, quite a few “cavalry” in the Marathi army carried firearms and rockets. Jezails and muskets were both common, and they were also capable of dismounting and fighting on foot just like regular musketeers. Rockets and artillery both dealt heavy damage to infantry squares, creating gaps which were then exploited by a cavalry charge. )

From here, the encounters between the two parties over the next 8 months needs to be elaborated. The battles that Marathas fought with Tipu or the English were greater than those fought with other enemies. The English and Tipu’s major strength was their sepoys and artillery. Maratha armies were primarily cavalry. In this campaign, 50-60 thousand cavalry was about to fight an equal number of infantry. This type of fighting means “Kakolukiya” (??) Type of fighting. The crow and owl are arch enemies but they never fight directly from the front. In the day, the crow can harass the owl, and the blinded owl has to find a safe place to survive. On the other hand, at night, its the crow who is blind and the owl has the upper hand. The way this fighting happens, the same way this battle was to happen. During the day, if the infantry decides to fight the cavalry, how could they force it? If the infantry advances 4 miles per hour, the cavalry can retreat 10. How will they catch them? And if by chance the encounter takes place on flat open ground, then once the cavalry charge hits the infantry, how will the infantry avoid being crushed by the cavalry? But this strength of the cavalry was only in daytime. Since they moved fast, they did not march with the artillery as securing the artillery used to need infantry and if slowed down by the weight of the cannons, they could not march fast. This is why, as mentioned earlier, the heavy cannons and other equipment was left behind at Ramdurg and Haripant had with him light cannons and camp to face the enemy. Most of the soldiers Haripant had with him were cavalry. Cavalry is inactive during the night, and in the darkness, Tipus sepoys used to watch for an opportunity to make surprise attacks.

Haripant and Mahadji both fought the English armies previously, but both of these great sardars had something unique in their armies which must be kept in mind. In the Gujarat campaign, Haripant would camp keeping a distance of 5 to 6 kos from the English camp. The intention was, if the English want to make a surprise attack on our camp at night, they should have to cover a great distance, thus giving time to prepare. From this, it is clear that he greatly feared being surprised by an attack at night. For Mahadji Shinde, it was not so.  Even if he camped only 1 or 2 kos from the English, he had no fear. Not only that, many times, he marched to a very close distance to the English and made camp , and attacked with artillery and rockets at night, and looted their camp or animals. When he camped close to the English, with an advance notice of half or 3 fourths of a ghatika, his army was kept in a readiness to withdraw beyond the range of the attacker’s artillery and form up for battle. Despite this, one or two times the English were able to pull off a successful attack and cause some losses. In summary, his manner of fighting remained the same from the start to the end. The army under his command used to be entirely his own, so he had very good control over them. Haripant had been given command over a very disparate collection of armies, so he was unable to have such a close control over all of them. Considering this, overall, we feel there were more enterprising and courageous officers in Mahadji’s army than this army of Haripant. Even though the English considered Haripant the army chief, they depended more on Mahadji for treaties and feared him , such is our opinion.

This comparison of Haripant and Mahadji is before Mahadji trained new battalions with De Boigne, and only relevant to his battles with the English. Since he never fought Tipu, we cannot compare with Haripant directly. In the current campaign, Haripant was in enemy territory facing off with an enormous enemy. Whether this was appropriate or not had a split opinion even among sardars of the time. 22 years earlier, Madhavrao had intercepted Haider Ali in this same province, it was also for the protection of the Nawab of Savnur. If keeping that example in mind, Haripant advanced to Savnur, then he made two mistakes in my opinion. The first is Madhavrao did not make the mistake of engaging his enemy in the monsoon, and in doing so, Haripant put his army through much hardship. The second is that he did not make an analysis of the relative strengths of the two sides at this time in firepower. Madhavrao and Haripant’s armies were not identical. Even if we assume they were, there was a great difference between the strengths of Haider and Tipu. It is apparent to all that Tipu was much stronger than Haider. Haripant may have made a mistake in engaging his enemy during the monsoon. But once engaged, he proceeded with caution, courage and preserved his army, in this regard he deserves credit.

It has been written earlier, Haripant made camp at a distance of 3 kos from the enemy at Banikop. On 2 August, Bhonsles, Mughals, Haripant all detached a part of their army along with 10-20 cannons and advanced on the enemy. Then Tipu and the allies fought a battle of artillery, in which Bajipant Anna’s vanguard lost 10-20 horses and men. Haripant was hoping to bait Tipu into exiting his fortified position and advance, but he did not advance at all. A small detachment which went west intercepted a caravan of supplies and seized 300-400 bullocks and hundreds of carts. This detachment had forded the Vardha river. But the enemy’s army arrived and forced them to return. Staying near the enemy’s camp till evening, Haripant returned to camp. After this, he went to the enemy’s camp yet once more. The same story repeated again. All attempts of Marathas to dislodge Tipu from his fortifications failed to get any results. For around a month, he remained in his position. On the 2nd day of Ganesh Chaturthi, that is 28 August, Tipu left his camp with 10-15 thousand sepoys and artillery to make a surprise night attack on the Maratha camp. On this night, Visajipant Athavle with 4-5 thousand cavalry was posted ahead of the camp. He had experienced Tipu’s surprise attack once 9 years earlier. When Tipu’s artillery opened fire on his camp, they began a slow retreat while firing rockets at his sepoys. When messengers informed Haripant, he quickly readied the cavalry and advanced with a large force. Seeing this, Tipu began to retire. Other than injuring 10-15 men and animals, he had not inflicted any further loss. After 4-5 days, he tried one more surprise attack. But since the Marathas were prepared, he had to retire. After the halt at Banikop, letters were sent to  Raghunathrao at Kopal and Tukoji Holkar at Hubali to leave their positions and join him. Raghunathrao raised the siege at Kopal and arrived swiftly. But since Burhanuddin was at Kalghati, Tukoji could not leave Hubali and join soon.

Tipu wanted to remain encamped at one spot. This is because his army had fewer cavalry and animals. In addition, his fodder used to be supplied over the Tungabhadra from his own provinces. But the Maratha army was mostly cavalry and they had a large number of animals in their camp. Finding adequate fodder for all of them was a great challenge. In a few halts, all grass within a 5-10 kos region would be depleted. Supplying it over the rivers was a challenge due the rivers flooding and at some outposts the enemy still had his soldiers. The Marathas wanted to lift Tipu’s checkmate on one hand but also could not remain in one place for too long. After a halt of 1.5 months at Banikop, due to the extreme scarcity of fodder, Haripant moved his camp on 12 September to Badani, which is around one kos from Lakshmeshwar. That same night early at dawn Tipu made another surprise attack. While the cannonfire was being exchanged, Haripant readided the cavalry and advanced. Since it was quite dark, Haripant fired at the enemy with cannons and muskets in the moonlight, as did the enemy. As sunlight dawned, Tipu returned to his camp and moved his camp to 4 kos from Savnur along the bank of the river Vardha. Next day he moved it another 1 kos to Hattimotur. So Haripant also moved his camp from Badani to within 1 kos from Savnur. The distance between the two sides was now 2 kos, and at the closest, only 0.75 kos. Due to this proximity, and the risk of a surprise attack, the Maratha cavalry used to sleep on their horses at night.

Burhanuddin was at Kalghati, and to face him were Tukoji Holkar and Behere at Hubali, even they had to keep scouts ahead of their camp and be vigilant. Their spies had managed to win over 500 Maratha cavalry in his army and 150 sepoys who joined them. But there were no skirmishes. In this situation, Tipu summoned Burhanuddin to join him, so Holkar and Behere also left Hubali to join Haripant. Despite the shortage of fodder, he could not abandon Savnur and march away.

Reports of the army’s situation would go to Pune every day. Tipu being engaged at such close quarters, the responsibility to face any surprise attacks fell squarely on Haripant. Parshuram Bhau remained idle at Tasgaon at home. Nana strongly wanted him to join the army. But since Bhau was resolved on not joining this campaign, he would respond with some excuse or the other. At one point he even asked that he would come to Pune to sort things out instead of leaving with his army to go south.

[exchange of letters between Nana and Bhau skipped]

Tipu had been unable to successfully attack the Maratha camp at night yet. Even so, he tried once more. Now Burhanuddin had just joined his army from Kalghat. After planning with him, on October 1 night, Tipu made another surprise attack. This has been described by Govind Sakhdev as follows

“ In the first prahar of the night, the enemy is getting ready- such news was received. So we posted scouts. After that 2 prahars elapsed, so we relaxed our watch. Just then, in the first prahar of dawn, the enemy arrived close to the picket in front of the huzurat and opened fire with 4-5 cannons. At the time, the men were sitting down and some of the horses ran to the main camp. At this picket, Rajashri Naropant Chakradev was posted. The enemy advanced in 2 groups. In one side, Tipu himself and Burhanuddin on the side where the government’s artillery was deployed. By the time he closed in, it was dawn. The cavalry held its position next to a mountain. When we opened fire with our artillery, they began replying back at us. Haripant himself was in the batteries and this firing continued for 1-1.5 prahars. Our cannons were few and of smaller bore, so we had to withdraw the cannons. Between the Huzurat, Holkars and Beheres, we lost 200 horses and some men. At 4 ghatikas in the evening the enemy retreated. Till then our armies stood where they were posted. Then keeping 20,000 in the vanguard, Rajashri Haripant moved to 1.5 kos to the north of Savnur. During the attack, some Pindaries from Holkars along with Bapu Holkar made their way to the rear of the enemy’s camp and recovered an elephant, some artillery carriages and 25 horses.

[ letter from Nilkanth repeating another description of the same fighting is skipped]

The Nawab of Savnur was already convinced that Tipu’s strength was greater than the Marathas this time. Tipu was now next to his capital, while Burhanuddin had also joined him. He had heard that Tipu wanted to seize him right within eyesight of the Maratha army and make him prisoner in his camp. As Haripant had repeatedly assured him that he will defend him, and that only by doing this would he preserve his ties with Pune that he had remained steadfast so far. This is also why Haripant had risked putting his army at great risk so far. But after the fights he observed so far, he lost heart and departed Savnur and joined Haripant’s army. Then Haripant did not have any particular reason to stay close to Savnur. Keeping some of his own and the nawab’s men for its defence, he marched to Kardagi in the Pargana of Halgur. He had planned to go to Saunshi, Kundgola.

Right since the time the Maratha forces laid siege to Badami onwards, Tipu’s envoy had been seeking negotiations. The contents of these negotiations is as described in a letter by Raghunath Nilkanth on September 25

[ letter is skipped]

For the defence of Savnur, Haripant had put his army at great risk, and this was apparent to all veterans. One such example is below

[example skipped]

Haripant knew all the constraints. But due to word of honour for Savnur’s defence, he was in a difficult situation. In the end it did not help.

When the Savnur Nawab left the fort, Haripant appointed his own men to defend the city. But when Tipu arrived, he threatened to put them to the sword and they surrendered without fighting. In the previous year, the Marathas had lost Nargund, and then Kittur. Even Adoni could not be defended. AS these events happened in rapid succession, the prestige of the state had dimmed in people’s mind. In such a situation, even despite having a force of over one lakh in the vicinity, Tipu’s capture of Savnur greatly raised his reputation.

“The enemy has great reknown. His artillery firepower is heavy. He has some 150 cannons, our tactics don’t work. After the Tungabhadra becomes fordable, whether his forces will retire or spread out we don’t know.”

This was the opinion shared by many important people in the Maratha army. But the difficulties faced by the Maratha armies were not all on account of Tipu’s achivements. This is because the terrain itself was such that it provided a great obstacle to the free mobility for Maratha cavalry. Staying in a defensible position, he was raiding the Maratha camp and inflicting casualties. With the intention of baiting him into advancing and surrounding and destroying his army, Haripant kept retreating ever so slowly to Sirhatti. This fort was in the hands of Tipu. But on November 14, the Marathas carried it by assault. They thought Tipu will leave his position to defend the fort. But since it was the month of Moharram, Tipu did not leave Savnur. In the meantime, seeing an opportunity to capture Dharwar, Holkars and Beheres had marched to it. But since they could not secure it by any means they returned empty handed. The Maratha army was now 8 kos from Savnur.

Around this time Tipu sent a vakil to the Nizam for negotiations as well as to Holkars. Tipu offered that if he is allowed to keep Nargund and Kittur, and returned to him any of his provinces which he held before the war, then he will pay some tribute, but this was unacceptable to Holkars.

After departing from Sirhatti, Haripant, just as before, marched to Kapatguda. His heavy baggage which he had left at Ramdurg was now brought to Kalkeri, which is 4 kos behind Kapatguda. Earlier, there used to be a dense forest in the valley between Kapatguda and Kalkeri. When he saw that the marathas have camped at Kapatguda, Tipu moved his camp on November 30 from Savnur to to the bank of the Vardha river to the north of Itga. This was 3 kos from the Maratha camp. Seeing the enemy this close, Haripant resolved to move back slightly to Kalkeri, and sent his baggage on the same day. He suggested the Mughals and Bhonsles to do the same. But the two declined and decided to keep their baggage with the army and neglected Haripant's arvice. This had consequences that embarassed them soon.

Tipu would get full information on all the movements of Maratha army. After attending to evening prayers, Haripant, Bhonsles and the Mughals were marching towards Kalkeri. In the valley on the route, while the camp followers were crossing, Tipu's cavalry fell upon them, unleashing a heavy barrage of rocket fire and began looting the equipment. A lot of civilians, grain merchants, pindaries were slain. Haripant's baggage, with the Zari Patka, artillery, naubat and colours were able to make it safely to Kalkeri but some horses were lost in several regiments. But otherwise he did not lose much. Bhonsles lost much of their baggage and the Mughals almost entirely. In this campaign, this was Tipu's last surprise attack on the Marathas.

Later, Haripant moved camp to Nirlagi in Gadag province. Right since before this raid, and even after, letters continued to arrive from Tipu saying he was sending a vakil to discuss terms, and that he wanted them to inform him when to send the envoy. From December, Tipu began to make overtures for peace. On December 7, a messenger came to Haripant and Rastes. In the letter to Rastes, he had written that "I am sending the vakil as agreed earlier. Please introduce the vakil to all sardars and escort him safely to Pune." To that, Raste replied "You have written about sending envoys, and then made a raid on our camp. If you want, send the envoy but there will be no meetings with any sardar. We will escort the vakil to Pune with some sepoys."

In the letter to Holkars, Tipu had written "I am sending a high ranking envoy. Discuss your demands and we will make an agreement acceptable to both." To this, Holkars replied "I am sending my envoy, when I get a reply about when it should be done - while such letters were coming, you raided our camp. This should not happen." Holkars' letter was aggressive. At this time and even after this, Holkars continued to be an intermediary with Tipu. In such times, making a raid on the camp while negotiations had begun had hurt the Holkars greatly.

When the enemy raid was underway, it was claimed Holkar's pindaries joined them and contributed to the disorder. It was indeed true. The day after the raid, many animals from the Bhonsles and Mughals were found with the pindaries with Holkar. It was rumoured that the Holkars were bribed by the enemy and thats why his men plundered the others. In addition rumours continued that stolen goods were sold by Holkar's pindaries at half price to Tipu's forces. But it was impossible that Tukoji Holkar, who had shouldered the responsibilities for so long and contributed thus would ever act in such a manner. Pindaries are after all plunderers. Even if their actions were such, it is unfair to blame it on Holkar. Holkars used to regularly receive papers from Tipu regarding negotiations. These were intercepted by others to check if there was any sign of betrayal. Such was never found. Haripant's reliance on Holkars to plan camp movements were disliked by others.

After this, the Marathi army began slowly moving eastwards along the bank of the rivers Tungabhadra and Vardha at a distance of 5-6 kos. Since Tipu always held his position on the stony and marshy banks of the rivers, it was impossible for the Marathas to attack him. Haripant tried to get him to leave his prepared position and advance on them. But Tipu was cautious and never took the bait. When the Marathas were at Jalihal, Tipu was near Kopal. After bombardment, he recaptured the fort of Bahadurbenda. Two or three times, a relief army was readied but Holkars did not allow sending it. Tipu kept sending letters saying he will raise the siege while negotiating and eventually took the fort. When the Maratha forces advanced, he would unleash a hail of cannonfire. But he never left his entrenchments and formed up for battle.

Even as negotiations were on and fighting halted, Tipu treacherously captured Bahadurbenda as described above. When camping in the Dambal pargana, Tipu's envoy arrived with an escort of 100 cavalry, 200 infantry, and 5-6 bodyguards. After meetings with Rastes and Haripant, negotiations began. At this time Tipu was still at Kopal. From there he marched to a distance of 3 kos from the Maratha camp to Bhundaragi pargana. Assuming he is preparing for yet another night attack, the Maratha army remained awake all night. As expected, on 18th December, he left his camp and advanced at night. But seeing that the enemy is alert, he retired. The next day, Haripant moved camp 7 kos to Kuknur, and Tipu retired to Kopal. Between these is a distance of 5-6 kos. Every day some cavalry would make their way close to Tipu's camp. Once Tipu's cavalry seized 80-90 horses from Beheres. At other times Marathas would seize from the enemy.

When Tukoji Holkar marched from Kittur to Hubali, he had left behind some 2-2500 cavalry near Sangoli. In this force, the brother of  Shahji Bhonsle of Akkalkot- Bhavanji Patil and Baburao Anant of the paga were the main sardars. In this region, other than Dharwar and Kittur, no other province was left in the enemy's hands. All others were overrun by Marathas. Knowing that Holkars have an eye on Dharwar, and like the earlier attempt, they may plan to attack it again - since Tipu was convinced of this, even as negotiations were on, he sent 5000 to Dharwar to reinforce it and spoil the lands. This force arrived and invested Mishrikot. On receiving news of this, PAtil and Paga (Anant) kept their camp followers at Betgiri and marched to Hubali. As soon as they heard of this, the enemy raised the siege and hastily retired to Dharwar. Then letting their guard down, Patil and Paga stayed at Hubali for 4-5 days. While they were thus occupied, the enemy force made a surprise attack on their camp at Betgiri and plundered the area. Then these went to Betgiri, restored order and returned to Sangoli. The enemy was once again on the move! When confronted, they retreated again to Dharwar.

In January it was decided to end hostilities. But since Haripant did not trust Tipu, and he kept making excessive demands on each point, there was no understanding even by April. Finally in this month the talks finalized. It was decided that the arrears of tribute of 5 years amounting to 65 lakhs to Pune, would be cut to 48 lakhs. Of which, 32 lakhs would be paid immediately, and 16 lakhs over 6 months. In addition, Gagendragad, Badami, Nargund and Kittur would be returned to Marathas. Adoni would be returned to the Nizam. In addition, Savnur Nawab's province and fort captured would be returned to him. Nargund and Kittur's sardars kept prisoners were to be freed. For this to be sent to each other through envoys took another 15 days. Then Tipu departed back to Shrirangappatanam. After taking leave of all the sardars, the Nizam's forces joined in a large feast at Tasgaon before departing.

As we have written extensively so far, it must be apparent to the reader that Tipu's military was quite strong as well as his competence. Despite the combination of Marathas and Nizam, Tipu was able to capture Nargund, Kittur, Adoni and Savnur. For 6 months, harried them with surprise attacks. This is no mean feat. Not stopping there, he opened negotiations when his position was strong. which shows his keen awareness of diplomacy. As soon as the monsoon is over, he knew the Marathas would march to his rear and cut off his supplies - such was his great fear.

The Rakshas-Tangadi Bakhar is written in contemporary Marathi. It is likely an eyewitness account of the battle of Rakshas-Tangadi/Tallikotta from 1565CE. There are some errors, such as confusing the armies of Adilshah at times for the Mughal emperor Akbar. This could be because the Vijaynagara forces seem to have believed the Adil Shah's neutrality for long. Otherwise, it follows the Persian accounts very closely and corroborates much of it.

Each sentence is followed by its translation. The sentences are often very long, with multiple verbs and actions. These may be split into two or more sentences to make it more readable.

रात्री राजभुवरा(ने) स्वप्न देखीले जे आपुले कानीचे मोती तोडून घेत होते बैसले सिहासन हिरोन घेत असे आपणासी दूत येऊनु वोढीत असे असे पाहुनु घाबीरा होऊन ऊठीला सवेची थोर थोर जोइसी व पंडीत व वेदशास्त्री व ग्रामजोसी आपुले वडीलाचे वेले आदीखानी बहुता दिवसाचे होते त्यासी बोलाऊ पाठविले.

At night, the king had a dream, in which the pearls in his ear were shattered, and his throne was lost. With trepidation, he awoke and sent for the astrologers and  pandits. (to consult about the omen).

मग त्यापुढे स्वप्न सांगीतलेवरी त्यांनी राज भुवराची मन समाधान केले जे तुझे शत्रु जे कोण्ही येताती ते नास होऊ(न) जातील तुवा क्षेत्रपती मार्केडी (आ) उश होऊनु राजसिहासनी रा(ज्य) करीसील म्हणोन बोलिले मग आप(ण) आले लोकासी असावलिया व करनाटकी चादरा देऊनु दोहडावले.

After hearing about the dream, they pacified the monarch by suggesting that it implied the destruction of his enemies.

मग राजयाने बैसोन पांच हजार होनु ब्रामणासी वाटिले.

The king donated 5000 hons (currency) to brahmins. (priests).

मग राजयाने बरवे मोहूर्त पाहुनु घोडा सारंगा अमृतनिधान राजाबैसता आणऊन त्यावरी बसोन अकरावे तासी तख्त विज्यानगरा होऊनु बाहीर येऊन उतरतर्फेसी नवगोजी देऊनु उतरीले पागा व पीलखाना व उस्तरखाना व थुद्री व सिकारखाना व जमदारखाना व शरबतखाना व कोठी व फराशखाना व अंबारखाना व तमाम येऊनु नऊगजी आसपास येऊनु उतरीले शाद्दार विजयानगरामधें धांडोरा फिरविलें कीं येक घोडा व राऊत न राहाता लस्केरासी चालणें म्हणोनु ताकीद केली. तमाम बाहेर येऊनु उतरीले.

Then the king, at an auspicious time (muhurat), seated himself on the royal throne, and then gathered all the divisions of his army- the cavalry, the elephants. Not a horse or common trooper was left idle. (Everyone was to march along.)

या खेरीज मनेवरानी व पुंडानी पालेगारानी व लिंगारीयानी व अलकु रानी व राजबिडीयानी व हिबलकारानी मोबलग गणती सापडीत नाहीं जंगलोजंगल व डोंगरेडोंगर व दरेखोरे जागा जागा उतरले असे नजरेने पाहतां करनाटकी लसकेर सांत आ (ठ) गांव जमीन उतरले असे राज भुवराने नडगोजी तुंगभद्रातून पुढे दिधले.

In addition to these forces, the polygars, lingariya(?), Alku queen, rajbidas (king's elite guards) , Hibalkars(?), and the warlords of the forests, had all contributed troops. With all these, he crossed the Tungabhadra.

पेषखाना जाऊनु क्रुष्णानदी कडका घरून उतरले राजयानें इत्तीस आणऊनु पाहुन सीले करवीले . हतीचे नावें पिनावे बीता * ...... तमाम इत्ती सीले संदुती करून हत्तीवरी जंबुरे जबरजंग लाऊन अला हिदा पेशनामाजाद क्रुष्णा नदी तटाकी उतरवीले राजभुवरानें का तावरगीरी व कुंदरा पिवयेल बरगे दरमायाने येऊनु नडगजी देऊनु उतरले.

Peshkhana (Advance units and tents) moved towards Krishna river. These were later augmented by armored Elephant corps with small cannons. The King started from Vijaynagar and moved via Tawargeri (approx 71km) and Kandagal (most likely village as per map) and camped near Krishna river.

(credit to @seekersaurabh1 for this passage.)

पेशनामजादी लस्केर व बाजारबुणगा येऊनु मुसकीनजीक उतरीले नीजामशाहा पादशाहा बहीरी मन्हाटा तख्त दौलताबाद याने भीमरथीस येऊन उतरोन सुलतान पेरोजाबाद नजीक उतरला व अकबरजलालदीन पादशाहा शहादुर्गानजीक उतरला व इमराइम कुतुबशाहा तेलगण तख्त गोलकोंडें याने मुदगल व रायेचूर दरम्याने उतरला.

The enemy army and camp arrived near Muski(?). The Nizamshah patshah from Daulatabad crossed the Bhima near Ferozabad, and Akbar Jalaluddin Patshah (this name is incorrect, there was no Mughal involvement, it should have been the Adilshah) , camped near Shahdurg and Ibrahim Qutubshah from the Telangana region with capital at Golconda, camped between Raichur and Mudgal.

चद्दुतर्फेने मुसलमान पादशाहायानी लस्कर व लुटावरे व पेढारे व वणजारे व चोरपाईक नदी धरून उतरले. राजभुवराचे मुलुकामधे चिधीचोली बं ( हा ) द धरून आणु लागले.

From all directions, the joint force of the sultans began crossing the river. From the king's lands, they began raiding and carrying off spoils.

तमाम मुलुक हुली होऊन चालीले राजभुवरानें आपले लस्करासी ताकीद करून बाजारबुणगा नजीक च्यार हजार घोडा व पावप्यादे पनास हजार ठेऊनु तमाम वजीराने व राजबिडीयानी व राज कोमारानी व येकांगधीरानी व सपरीगारानी व रजपुतानी व क्षेत्रीयानी व दलवीयानी व मनेवारानी हे अवघे जाऊनु राक्षेसतागडीस जाऊन नजीक उतरले.

Then the king left 4000 cavalry and 50 thousand infantry at the rear with the camp, and taking with him the wazir (prime minister), and the crown prince, and everyone else, they halted near Rakshas-Tangdi.

अराबा, भांडी, फिरंगी गाडीयावरी मुस्तेदी करून जोडुनु बाण तमाम पावसुर बाणाईत बैलावरी दर बैलासी बाण सुमार २८ * येकुन बाण सुमार ८००००.

Cannons on carts, large immobile cannons, rockets on carts, and rockets on bullocks, approximately 28 rockets per bullock, in total 80,000.

व राजबाण व कोमारबाण यैसे उटावरी अराब पुढें उतरवीणे व बारु गेलोले व तुव खिजतना इ ने सांगाते घोडा राऊत व पावपाद्ये असपास दरम्याने ठेवणे व बिसलया नाईक त्रिवेंगलपा नाईक व कार्तीकविरपा नाईक हे तीघेजणासी राजभुवरी कपडे देउनु मुसलमान पादशाहीसी झगडा करावे पेस(यास) नामजादी पाठविलेवरी त्यानी येउनु आपुले करनाटकी कुल लस्केर देखील राक्षेसतागडीनजीक उतरीले हे खबरी जासुदानी व कालबा (दा?).

And king rockets, and prince-rockets ( various types of large rockets?) on camels, and cannons were deployed in the front. The cavalry and infantry was kept close behind it. Bislaya Naik, Trivengalpa Nayak and Kartikvirappa Naik were gives robes of honour and ordered into battle. They gathered their Karnataki (from Karnataka) army and descended to give battle - such was reported by the spies.

रानी व हरकारेयानी येसे जरजरा तिलतिल खबर घेउनु आपुले पादशाहासी सांगितले मग मुसलमान पादशाही गांव पांच कोसावरी येउनु उतरले. वरी निजामशाहा महाठा पादशाही व ईभराईम कुतुबशहा तेलंगण पातशाही हे दोघेजण फुटोन अलाहिदा लस्केर येउनु तलावा फिरो लागले ते पाहोन राजभुवरानें लस्कर पायदल फौज करून भार रचिले.

When the patshahs were informed, then the patshahs marched to villages within 5kos. Nizamshah and Ibrahim Kutubshah, these two split from Ali Adil Shah and began deploying at the lake( across the river?). Seeing this, the king ordered his infantry and cavalry to form up.

अलीयेदलशाहा पादशाहा कन्नडजाण याने आपुले कुल लस्केर घेउनु येक फौज करून उभा राहिला. इमामनमुळीक पादशाहा वराड देश आपुले कुल लस्केर घेऊनु येकभार रचिले असे तीनी च्यारी पादशाहा च्यारोतर्फ भार करून राहिलेवरी करनाटकी पाऊप्याघे व घोडेस्वारानी येकदुमाल होउनु अरोबा मधे रचून पुढे चालुनू निजामशाहा बहीरी पादशाहा व कुतुबशाहा तेलगणे तर्फे झगडा केले.

Ali Adil Shah patshah from Kannada lands, made one large combined force of his army and stood for battle. Imam-ul-mulk patshah from Varhad (Berar) country also assembled, in this fashion, 3-4 patshahs in all directions stood their ground.  Then the Karnataki infantry, cavalry, keeping the cannons in the center, attacked the divisions of the Nizamshah and Qutubshah.

बाणाबाणी जहाले व त्यामधे व यामधे लस्केर बहुत जाया जाला दोहीतर्फेचें लस्केर जखमी बार जहाले. निजामशाहा बहिरी पादशाहा व कुतुबशाहा तैलगण याने दीडकोस माघारे जाऊनु अलीयेदलशाहा कन्नडजाण व ईमामनमुळीक वराडदेश पादशाहा याने आपले जागा मुस्तैद दोनी फौजा होते त्यानी येउनु झगडा दिल्हे जखमी व पाडाऊ जाहाले वीतपसील.

Lots of rocket fire was exchanged from both sides in which many men died and got wounded. The Nizamshah and Qutubshah were pushed back by 1.5 kos. Ali Adilshah and Imam-ul-mulk with their two armies then arrived to support them. Heavy fighting happened in which many men died.

हे रणजखमी व पाडाऊ जाहालेवरी राजभुवराने अकोन अपुले तरफेचे वजीरास व लोकासी व बाजे खलकासी कपडे पाठविले.

When the king heard of the casualties, he sent robes of honour to the frontline. (To encourage the troops).

आपुले लोकासी सागोन पाठवीले जे अपण येईजे तो झगडा न करणे लोक बहुत जाया होतांती.

He sent messengers with new orders not to attack but fight only if approached, to minimize casualties.

तमाम जमा जाहालीयावरी शर्तमर्दीने झगडा केला जाईल यैसे भोसल्या दलवीयासी पाठउनु दिल्हे.

When the enemy is gathered in force, only then fight hard, with such a message, he dispatched Bhonsle and Dalvi. (2 Maratha sardars?)

अलीयेदलशाहा पादशाहा कनडजाण या पासी छरीयेपा नाईक जामदार याला हेजीबातीस पाठविले.

Chariyappa Naik jamdar (an officer) was sent to Ali Adil Shah.

जे तुवां अपण चालोन येउनु अम्हापासी येउनु मांडीवरी बैसून फर्जद म्हणवले कि तुम्हा कडे अपण न येऊ म्हणोन येसे शर्तनामा केलेवरी रायेचूर व अदवानी हे दुदलोणी बद्दल दिल्हे. आपुले सद्वेमधे पादशाही जमजम करुनु असावे यैसे असंता तुम्ही अपुले मुळुकामधून तिघ पादशाचे लस्केरासी वाट देउनु अपण कुल लस्केरसहीत येउनु, मदती होउनु उतरले असे बहुत बरे चार पादेशाही मिळुन आलीया काय होणार असे पेस्तर तुमचे मुदा काय कैसे असें ?

(Message follows) When you came to us, we offered you refuge. For good ties, we granted you Raichur and Adoni. Despite intention of permanent good relations, you have gathered all your army, and marched with these patshahs against me. Does this suit your honour?

म्हणोन मग अलीयेदलशहा याने जबाब दिल्हे जे तिघे पादशाही लस्केर जोरावार होउनु माझे मुळुकामधून आले. मज पासी जोरावार नाही. कुल लस्कर व मुळुक खराब केले. हे राजवटे मधे आम्ही पडलो नाहीं हे तो जैसे फर्जेद म्हणोन मांडीवरी बैसोन सव सफघ दिल्हे असे त्यासी खता नाहीं तुम्ही काही दिलगीर न होणे.

The Adilshah replied- "The three patshahs along with their armies, marched into my provinces. My forces were insufficient. They ruined my lands. I have not entered this alliance of my own accord. But I was forced by circumstances. Do not think ill of me."

यैसे हेजीबा सांगाते खलबत करुनु हेजीबासी शाल व आसावली व तेजी व हस्तकडग व कुडकीयासी मोती जोडा १ दिल्हे व हत्ती छावा येक १ दिल्हे व हेजीबा सांगाते मोख्त सर दाहजण आले होते त्यासी शाला येक येक देउनु हेजिबासी पाने देउनु दोहडावीलेवरी हेजीब जाउनु राजभुवरासी हे हककती बयाण अर्ज केले.

This was conveyed to the messenger, and he was honoured with pearls, an elephant and other items.

हेजीब सांगाते आलीयेदळशहाचे हरकारे सीवाजी गोपीनाथ जमारीकादा होता त्या सांगाते तीन तास पासुनु पांच तास परीयंतर खलबत करुनु हरकारा मशारनुलेसी येक दुस्त कपडे दिल्हे व मोतीयाचा तुहाइ येक १ व कमरशाल १ दिल्हे.

After discussing for 3 to 5 hours, Ali Adil Shah's messenger Shivaji Gopinath was rewarded with rich cloth and pearls.

बहुत मेहमानी केली. अलीयेदलशाहासी फिरंग व कमर गुर्दा थोर मोलाचा देउनु पाठविले. हे खबर निजानशाहा बहीरी व कुतुबशाहा तेलगण व अकबर जलालदीन मोगली पादशाहा यासी दिदवानी हरकारे यानी लिहून पाठविले जे अलीयेदल शाहा सांगाते राजवटा लावीली असे म्हणोन मग तिघे पादशाहा यानी येदलशाहापादशाहा नजीक हरकारेसी पाठविले.

The envoy was treated with great honour. Foreign items of great value were awarded for Ali Adil Shah. When Nizamshah and Qutubshah, and Akbar Jalaluddin got word of this, they sent messengers to Ali Adil Shah.

अम्ही अवघे मिळोन राजभुवराचे मुलुकगीरी कराव्या आलो असो दरम्याने तुम्ही त्या सागाते राजवटा करीता हे तरी बरे नव्हे अवघे येकवट होउनु गोशमाल देणे लागते अलाहिदा राजवटा केलीयाने काम होऊन येत नाही तरी तुम्ही त्यामधे भिलालीया आम्ही काही फिरोन जाणार नाही. शर्तमर्दीने मुलुकगीरी करून तुम्ही आम्हा बराबरी मसलतीस येणे, म्हणोन तरी येदलशहाने सांगोन पाठविले की तुम्हाबरोबरी असो जे काये दिलचे मुदा असेल ते कबुल. म्हणोनु मग हरकारेसी तश्रीफ देउनु रवाना केले राजभुवराने आपण येऊन राक्षेसतागडी नजीक उतरले.

"We have come together to march on the king (of Vijaynagara).  At the same time, you are opening negotiations. We will not retreat. You must keep your word and fight with honour. Whatever you ask, we will grant." Then he took to the field at Rakshas Tangdi.

रणथाबा चौघार राक्षेसतागडीचे मैदानामधे घातले करनाटकी लस्केर तमाम येउनु उतरले झगडेसी सुरु जाहाले.

The Karnataki army took to the field again for battle.

मुदती रोज २७ झगडा जहाला जलालदीन अकबर पादशाहा तख्त जालनापूर याने मोगल व कर्ण रजपूत राहाठोड हे नालतवाडी दरम्याने उतरले.

Karna Rajputs, Rathores took to the field at Nalatvadi to help Akbar patshah.

(This is an obvious error, there were no Rajputs or Mughals involved in this battle. Who were they confused with? the Adilshahi forces?)

यामधे व त्यामधे रायबागा नजीक झगडा रोजबरोज होऊं लागला. करनाटकी वजीर व यैनलमुलुक व अंकुशखान बारगीर वजीरानी पारखे होउनु येदलशाहा तर्फेसी आले.

At Raibagh, fighting used to take place everyday. The Karnataki wazir, Ain-ul-mulk, and Ankush Khan bargir were estranged from the wazir and left and joined Ali Adil Shah. ( The wazir cannot be estranged from himself, the start of the sentence may be misprint. These two sardars seem to have left Vijaynagara and joined the Adilshah.)

जलालदीन अकबर पादशाहा व निज्यामशाहा पादशाहा बहीरी व कुतुबशाहा तेलंगण हे तिघे मिळुनु राज फौज करून चालोन आले.

Jalal-ud-din patshah Akbar, Nizamshah patshah, Qutubshah combined their forces and advanced to attack.

राजबिडे पाऊपाये हसम झगडा दिल्हे पहिले तास पासून अकरा तास पावेतों झगडा जहाला.

The rajbidas (the king's elite guard) and the infantry fought from the first hour (of the day) for 11 hours.

रण दुतर्फे पाडले. राजभुवरानें राज चिडे व बाजे वजीरासी व लोकासी बोलाऊन खलबत केले. सदरहू वजीर अवघे मिळून राजभुवरास अर्ज केले -

जे मुसलमानु पादशाही लस्केर येकवट होउनु येताती आम्ही त्याचे तोंडेसी उभे रहातो. जैसे मारावे तैसे झगडा फत्ते करीतो. अलीयेदलशाहा व इमामनमुळीक हे दोघे पादशाही लस्कर आपुले जागा होऊन पुढे येताती, दोघे पादशाही झगडा देत असे रोजबरोज रण पडीत. असे ह्यानी दगा देउनु सांपडवीतील ह्याचे पतेरा नाहीं ते तर्फेसी मुदाम दाहा हजार घोडा व पन्नास हजार पायेदळ त्याचे तोंडेसी राखणे. आम्ही दिलपाखीनें मशाकत करून दोन्ही पादशाही लस्कर दगा देतील.

Scores of men lay on the field on both sides. The king was angry, and summoned the wazir and others for a council. The wazir and others recommended to the king- "the patshahs who attack, we hold firm. Our soldiers win the fighting on the day. Ali Adil Shah and Imam-ul-mulk, these two patshahs when they advance from their prepared positions, every day we push them back with heavy casualties. 50 thousand infantry, and 10 thousand cavalry must be kept in reserves to face them. By our efforts, both patshahs (their armies) will give way.

यैसे सिर भोई ठेऊन रोशन केलेवरी राजभुवरानें वजीरासी कपडे देऊन दोहडाविले जागा जागा आपुले गड कोटासी इतबारी लोकासी राजभुवराने पाठविले चीतपशलि. येणेप्रमाणे कपडे देउनु पाठविले.

After this, the king honoured the wazir with robes of honour. The commanders of the forts, and other offices were also rewarded similarly.

राजफौज झगडा जहाले. निज्यामशाहा बहिरी व कुतुबशाहा तेलंगण मोडा जहाला. अकबर जलालदीन मोगलावरी झगडा घातला. त्याचे मदतीस कोण्ही आले नाहीं. निज्यामशाहा बहिरी व कुतुबशाहा तेलंगण हे मोड जहाले. मोड होउनु येकजागा भार रचिले होते.

Fighting continued. Nizamshah and Qutubshah's forces were broken. Akbar Jalaluddin continued to fight but no one came to his aid. Nizamshah and Qutubshah were forced to retreat. In their retreat, they moved back, combined their forces and made a stand.

लस्कर करनाटकी झगडा करुनु परतुन येता, मागुती हे फौज लस्कर झगडा दिल्हे हे करनाटकी लोकानी ४,०००,०००. हजार बाण येकायेकी ब(हा?)त्ती लाविले.

Before the Karnataki army returned, they fired 4,000,000 thousand rockets at the enemy. (The zeros seem to be errors. The text says thousand, so this is likely 4,000 rockets, not 4 million.)

त्याखाली दोघे पादशाहाचे लस्कर मोबलग झगडीयात पडीले कच खाऊन आपुले जागेसी उतरले. मोगली लोक मागुती येउनु अलाहिदा झगडा दिल्हे.

Both patshah's forces were slain in large numbers and returned to their camps. The Mughal forces then engaged in battle.

करणाटकी लोक बहुत पडीले. इतुके झगडा देउनु राजभुवराचे लस्केर जाउनु आपुले जागा उतरले. राजभुवराने आपण राजहौश मुस्तेदी रामहत्तीवरी बैसोन, कुल लस्कर दोघे तिघे पादशाहावरी चालिले.

Many Karnataki men were slain. After the fighting, they returned to the center where the king was. The king seated himself on this royal throne and advanced on the two or three patshahs.

भांडे थोर थोर भरुनु भांडेचे बहुत मार जहाले. बहुत कच होउनु लस्कर मोड जाहाले. त्यावरी राजभुवराने बहुत खुषीहाल होऊन नडगोजीस परतून येउनु उतरले. करनाटक लोक तिनी पादशाहा लस्करासी झगडा करून भागोन बेहुशार होऊन, लस्केर उतरले होते.

Large cannons were filled and unleashed heavy fire. (with coins? भरुनु typically refers to filling something up rather than loading with a cannonball. This corrborates other accounts which describe loading enormous cannons with coins/stones for use as grapeshot.). Despite their deep advance, (our) army was routed. The king gave orders to retreat, and dismounted. The Karnataki army, having fought with 3 patshahs, began to flee.

अलीयेदशाहा व इमामनमुलीक वराडदेश पादशाहा हे दोघेजण पादशाहा येकायेकी मुस्तेदीहून राजभुवरावरी घोडे केला.

Ali Adilshah and Imam-ul-mulk together combined and ordered a cavalry charge.

त्याचे जिना उतरुन बेखबर होते. पाऊप्याद्ये लोक रोटीपोळी करून घेत होते. तो येही जाऊन सभा पडोन खतर केले.

The king was unaware of his surroundings, having descended from his throne. The infantry was fleeing. He was captured by the enemy.

राजभुवर रामराज अलीयेदलशाहा पादशाहा कन्नडजाण हाताखाले पाडून जाब बोलिला-

जे तुवा माझे लेक म्हणोन बोलीली होतासी तुवा येकायेकी दगा करुनु मजवरी सभा पडिलासी. आता माझे काये ततबीर चालणार?

The king said to Ali Adilshah after his capture "Even when I called you my son, you have engaged in treachery and attacked me. Now what shall I do?"

असे माझे लस्केर तमाम पडीले म्हणोन ताजा कपडे पुरतकालीक दाईव टोपीस हिरा मोती माणीकाचे कुलाब घालून मावीशाला पांघरुन अपुले देवासी स्मरण करून अलीयेदलशाहासी सांगोन पाठविले- "जे तुवा आपण फिरंग घेऊन येकांग लढाई करावे. दुसरी याने आपुलीयावरी हात देऊ नये" म्हणौन त्यापासी सौगंद घेतले.

The king regained his composure, and sent a messenger to Ali Adil Shah to promise him "You must engage in battle with our forces with only your own, the other patshahs should not be involved".

मग अलीवेदल शाहाने अपण येकांगी भिडीतां नजीक उभे राहुन डोसकी कापिले हे खबर च्यारो पादशाहासी जाहीर जाहाले. करनाटकी लस्केर तमाम चिंदीचोल जहाले. पलोन हत्ती व घोडे उट बारु गलोले व बाण सुमार व खजाना तमाम लुटालुटी जहाले.

Then the Adilshah, after engaging in battle on his own, declared that he had captured and slain the (Vijaynagar) king. The Karnataki army then lost hope and began to retreat. In their retreat, the elephants, horses, camels, rockets, treasure was all plundered. (by the enemy).

कुल लस्कर मिलोन विज्यानगरासी गेले. राजभुवराचे माये व तिघीजण बाईला हे खबर ऐकोन माहालासी आगी लाऊन दिल्हे.

The army and the camp followers went to Vijaynagara. When the king's mother (?) and three wives were informed of the disaster, and the palace was set on fire.

माणीक मोती व हीरा रत्न(?)

pearls, diamonds and jewels ( were looted? carried away?)

तमाम मुसलमान लस्कर पादशाहा जाऊन कटकबंद उतरोन मुदाम १४ रोज शहरामधे सोदासोदी केले मोबलग माल सांपडिले मुलुकगिरी तिनी पादशाहा यानी केले.

Then the forces of the patshahs laid siege, and for 14 days sacked the city. They found immeasurable amount of treasure, and plundered it thoroughly.

OCR version of G.S Sardesai's book "ग्रीस देशाचा संक्षिप्त इतिहास" (A brief history of Greece) published in 1911.

प्रकरण पहिलें  - आरंभ

 ग्रीस देश युरोपखंडाच्या आग्नेयीस आहे. प्राचीन काळी त्याचा विस्तार हल्लींच्याहून फार मोठा होता. त्याच्या मध्यभागी कॉरिंथची सामुद्रधुनी असून, तिच्या योगानें देशाचे दोन भाग झाले आहेत. प्राचीन ग्रीस देशांत ह्या दोनही भागांचा समावेश होत असून, शिवाय, ईज्यनसमुद्र, आयोनियनसमुद्र व भूमध्यसमुद्र ह्यांतील सर्व बेटे व आशिया - मायनरचा कांहीं भाग हे प्रदेश त्यांत मोडत होते. ह्या दूरदूरच्या प्रदेशांत ग्रीक लोकांनी फार प्राचीन काळीं वसाहती केल्या होत्या.

 मुख्य ग्रीस देशांत प्रथम हेलन नांवाचे लोक राहत होते. हें नांव ग्रीक लोक अजूनही वापरतात ; व त्यावरून आपल्या देशास हेलास असे म्हणतात. हा देश फार सुंदर आहे. त्यांत अनेक डोंगराच्या रांगा आहेत, त्यामुळे त्याचे स्वभावतः पुष्कळ विभाग झाले आहेत. ह्या प्रत्येक विभागांत प्राचीन काळापासून निरनिराळे लोक राहत होते. प्रत्येक जातीच्या लोकांचें स्वतंत्र राज्य व स्वतंत्र व्यवस्था असे. ह्यामुळे देशांत निरनिराळ्या वेळीं अनेक लहान लहान स्वतंत्र राज्यें उतन्न झालीं, तीं कालांतरानें पुढें उदयास आली.

 हेलन लोकांच्या पूर्वी ग्रीस देशांत पेलारजन्स नांवाचे रानटी लोक राहत होते. पुढे हेलन्स हे पूर्वेकडील बाजूनें ग्रीस देशांत आले. त्यांनी प्रथम थेसली प्रांतांत वसाहत केली ; व हळूहळू दक्षिणेकडे प्रवेश केला. असें करतां करतां त्यांनी अनेक स्वतंत्र राज्य स्थापिलीं.

 असे सांगतात कीं, हेलन लोकांचा मूळ पुरुष हेलन नामक एक राजा होता, तो ग्रीक लोकांचा देव जुपिटर ह्याचा पुत्र होय. ह्या राजाचेंच नांव पुढे सर्व लोकांस प्राप्त झालें. ह्या हेलन राजाचें वृत्त ऐतिहासिक नसून काल्पनिक आहे. अर्थात् तें विश्वास ठेवण्या लायक नाहीं.

 ग्रीसच्या इतिहासाच्या पहिल्या भागास वीरकाल असे म्हणतात. ह्या वीरकालीं देशांत अनेक वीरपुरुष उदयास आले. त्यांच्या कथा व कवनें देशांत उपलब्ध होतीं, तीं तपासून त्या काळचा इतिहास लिहिलेला आहे. ह्या वीरपुरुषांचा अवतार देवांपासून झाल असें ग्रीक लोक समजत, व देवांप्रमाणे त्यांची पूजा करीत. ग्रीस देशांत पुढे मोठमोठीं सरदार घराणी उदयास आलीं, तीं अशा एखाद्या वीरपुरुषास आपला मूळपुरुष समजत. ह्या वीरपुरुषांचा काळ सुमारें दोनशें वर्षांचा, म्हणजे, हेलन्स लोक प्रथम ग्रीस देशांत आले तेव्हांपासून, ट्रॉय्च्या वेढ्यापर्यंत, समजला जातो. ह्याच काळांत ग्रीक लोकांचीं राज्य स्थापन झालीं ; व त्यांच्या संस्था उदयास आल्या. ह्या राज्यांच्या व संस्थांच्या मुळांशीं अनेक दंतकथा जोड लेल्या आढळतात, त्या मात्र निवळ काल्पनिक होत. उदाहरणार्थ, असे सांगतात कीं, सेक्रॉप्स् म्हणून एक राजा होता, त्यानें आथे न्सची स्थापना केली ; व इजित देशांतील अनेक उपयुक्त गोष्टी ग्रीस देशाच्या अॅटिकाप्रांतांत चालू केल्या. त्यानें एकंदर बारा शहरें स्थापिलीं, त्यांतील सर्वांत मोठें आयेन्स होय. आजी म्हणून देवी होती, तिची कृपा देशावर सदोदित राहवी, ह्या हेतूनें तिचें नांव त्यानें ह्या शहरास दिलें. ही गोष्ट इ.स.पू. १५५० वे वर्षी घडली असें सांगतात. पण आथेन्सच्या स्थापनेचा इजिप्तशी जोडलेला संबंध खरा असण्याचा संभव फार थोडा आहे. आथेन्स शहर फिनिशन लोकांनी स्थापिलें असावें. हे फिनिशन लोक आशिया खंडाच्या पश्चिम किना - यावर राहत असून मोठे सुधारलेले होते, व यांनी भूमध्यसमुद्राच्या किनाऱ्यावर व्यापाराची अनेक ठाण वसविलीं होतीं, हें सुप्रसिद्ध आहे. त्यांच्या वेळी ग्रीक लोक रानटी स्थितीत असून रोमचा जन्मही झाला नव्हता. आथैन्ससारखें व्यापाराच्या सोयीचें ठिकाण फिनिशन लोकांच्या नजरेस आलें नसेल हें संभवत नाहीं. एक दंतकथा अशी आहे कीं, कॅड्मस नामक फिनिशन गृहस्थानें आपली लिपी ग्रीस देशांत प्रथम आणिली, व थीब्स् शहर वसविलें. ही कथा खोटी मानिली, तरी ग्रीक लोकांच्या प्राचीन इतिहासाशीं फिनिशन लोकांचा संबंध नव्हता असे म्हणतां येत नाहीं.

 प्रत्येक राज्याच्या मुळाशीं अशी कांहीं तरी दंतकथा आहेच. प्रत्येकाचे मूळपुरुष निराळे असून ते ज्याचे त्यास पूज्य आहेत. मात्र ते पुरुष खरोखरचे होते असे मानण्यास आधार नाहीं. ग्रीक लोकांचा मात्र त्यांच्या ठिकाणी पूर्ण विश्वास असे ; व ह्या वीर पुरुषांच्या योगानें ग्रीक लोकांचे संप्रदाय, रीतीभाती, राजकीय व धार्मिक संस्था इत्यादिकांवर अनेक परिणाम घडले आहेत.

 प्राचीन ग्रीक लोक मूर्तिपूजक होते. त्यांच्या अनेक देवता असून त्यांत जुपिटर ऊर्फ शियस ह्यास अग्रस्थान मिळालें होतें. थेसली प्रांतांत आलिंपस नांवाचा पर्वत आहे. त्याच्या शिखरावर ह्या देवाचा दरबार भरत असे. जुपिटरच्या खालोखाल अपालो होय. तो विद्या व संगीतकला ह्यांचें अधिष्ठान असून, शिवाय पशूंचें संरक्षण करणें, पापाचरणाबद्दल पारिपत्य करणें, व देवेंद्र जो जुपिटर त्याचे हुकूम खालीं मानवांस कळविणें, हीं कामें अपलोचीच होतीं.

 ग्रीक धर्मातील मुख्य वीरपुरुष हर्क्युलीज, थिसियस, ट्रिप्टो लिमस, एस्क्युलेपियस, आणि मायनोज (Minos) हे होत. अगॅमेम्नॉन, अॅकिलीज, नेस्टॉर आणि यूलिसीज, हे त्यांच्या खालच्या पायरीचे असून, शिवाय ट्रोजन युद्धांत प्रसिद्धीस आलेल्या आणखीही अनेक वीरपुरुषांस ग्रीक लोक पूज्य मानीत असत.
प्राचीन ग्रीक इतिहासांतली बरीच विश्वसनीय गोष्ट म्हणजे ट्रॉयचा वेढा किंवा ट्रोजन युद्ध ही होय, हे युद्ध इ.स.पू तेराशें व एक हजार ह्या काळाच्या दरम्यान झालें. ह्या युद्धाचें वर्णन प्राचीन कवितेंत केलेले आहे, युद्ध झाल्यावर दोन तीनशें वर्षांनी होमर नांवाचा एक विख्यात कवि झाला, त्यानें या युद्धाचं वर्णन कवितेंत केलें. त्याचा सारांश असा.

 आशियाच्या पश्चिमकिनाऱ्यावर पूर्वी एक सुसमृद्ध राज्य होतें. त्याची राजधानी ट्रॉय शहर होतें. तेथें प्रायम नांवाचा राजा राज्य करीत होता. त्यास पॅरिस नांवाचा एक मुलगा होता. तो मुलगा एकदां ग्रीस देशांतील स्पार्टाचा राजा मेनिलॉस ह्याच्या दरबारीं गेला, तेथें मेनिलॉसनें त्याचा उत्कृष्ट सत्कार केला. तथापि मेनिलॉसशीं कृतघ्न वर्तन करून, त्याची बायको हेलन हिला पळवून, पॅरिसनें आप ल्याबरोबर ट्रॉय शहरी नेलें. ह्या कृत्याचा सूड घेण्याकरितां मेनिलॉस ह्यानें सर्व ग्रीक राजे एकत्र जमवून प्रायमशीं युद्ध सुरू केलें, व ट्रॉय शहरास वेढा घातला. शहराची तटबंदी मजबूत होती, त्यामुळे हा वेढा दहा वर्षे चालला. शेवटीं युक्तीनें तें शहर ग्रीक लोकांनी काबीज केलें. ह्या युद्धांत अनेक वीरांनीं नानाप्रकारची अघटित व अचाट अशीं शूर कृत्यें केली. ग्रीक लोकांनी शेवटची म्हणून एक युक्ति केली ती अशी की, त्यांनीं एक लांकडाचा मोठा प्रचंड घोडा बनवून तटाबाहेर ठेविला, आणि त्यांत मेनिलॉस व दुसरे पुष्कळ योद्धे गुप्तपणे जाऊन बसले. इकडे बाकीच्या फौजेनें वेढा उठवून निघून जाण्याचा बहाणा केला. शत्रु निघून गेलेले पाहून ट्रोजन लोकांनी तो लांकडाचा घोडा ओढीत ओढीत शहरांत आणिला. त्यांत बसलेले गुप्त लोक रात्री बाहेर आले, व त्यांनीं किल्ल्याचे दरवाजे उघडून ग्रीक फौजेस आंत घेतलें. अशा रीतीनें त्यांनी ट्रॉय शहर काबीज करून उद्धृस्त केलें ; व मेनिलॉसची बायको हेलन हिला परत आणिलें.

 पुढें ग्रीक राजे स्वदेशी परत येऊन पाहतात, तों परकी लोकांनी आपलीं राज्य काबीज केलीं आहेत, असें त्यांस आढळले. तेव्हां तेथेंही पुनरपि युद्धे होऊन कांहीं राज्यें ग्रीक राजांस परत मिळालीं, व कांहींची राज्ये जाऊन त्यांस देशत्याग करावा लागला. ह्या देशत्याग केलेल्या मंडळींत ऑडिसियस ऊर्फ यूलिसीज म्हणून इथाका बेटाचा राजा होता. ट्रॉयचें युद्ध झाल्यानंतर दहा वर्षेपावेतों अनेक कारणामुळे तो स्वदेशास परत येऊं शकला नाहीं. तेव्हां समुद्रांत वादळ होऊन त्यांत तो मरण पावला असावा, असें सर्वोस वाटले. त्याची बायको पेनिलोप म्हणून होती. नवरा मेला असे समजून तिची मागणी करण्यास अनेक राजे आले. परंतु ती पतिव्रता होती, त्यामुळे ती पुनर्वित्राइ करण्यास कबूल होईना ; व कांहीं तरी काम काढून तें संपल्याशिवाय लग्नाचा विचार करावयाचा नाही, असे सर्वस तिनें उत्तर दिलें ; व जितकें काम ती दिवसा करी, तितकें सर्व तो रात्रीं उलगडून टाकी. अशा रीतीनें, यूलिसीज परत येईपावेतों तिचें काम पुरें झालें नाहीं, पुढें एके दिवशीं यूलिसीजनें भिक्षेकन्याच्या वेषानें आपल्या वाड्यांत येऊन बायकामुलांस ओळख दिली. त्याच्या मुलाचें नांव टेलेमेक्स असें होतें. ह्या मुलाच्या साह्यानें यूलिसीजनें आपली बायको व राज्य परत मिळविलें, व शत्रूंचा पराभव केला. ह्याप्रमाणे ट्रॉयचें युद्ध व यूलिसीजचें प्रत्यागमन ह्या दोन कथांची वर्णन होमर कवीनें अनुक्रमें इल्यड व ऑडिसे ह्या दोन ग्रंथांत केली आहेत. ग्रीक लोकांची पुढें भरभराट झाली, तेव्हां ते ह्या ग्रंथांचें अध्ययन करूं लागले. प्रत्येक विद्यार्थ्यास हे ग्रंथ पढावे लागत. हल्लीं सुद्धां ग्रीक भाषा शिकणारे ह्याच ग्रंथांचें अध्ययन करितात.

 हे ग्रंथ होमर कवीने लिहिले अशी प्रसिद्धि आहे. तथापि ते त्यानें एकट्यानेंच लिहिले, की त्याचे निरनिराळे भाग अनेकांनीं भिन्न वेळीं लिहिले ह्याविषयीं वाद आहे. ग्रीस देशांत त्या काळी अनेक कवि होते. मोठमोठ्या समारंभांच्या प्रसंगी ते नानाप्रकारची स्वतंत्र कवनें करून सभेत म्हणून दाखवीत. त्यांत ट्रोजन युद्धाची कथा वर्णिली जात असेल ह्यांत संशय नाहीं. अशा अनेक विस्कळित कवनांचा होमरनें एकत्र संग्रह करून, त्यास इत्यड हैं नांव दिलें असावें. होमर हा आशियांतील आयोनियाचा राहणारा असून, त्याच्या वेळीं ग्रीक लिपीही सुरू होतीसें दिसत नाहीं. त्यानें संग्रह केलेली कवनें लोकांनीं प्रथम तोंडपाठ करून ठेविली असावीं, व कांहीं काळ पावेतों तीं लोकांत तशींच प्रचलित असावी, असा संभव दिसतो,ख्रिस्ती शकापूर्वी सहाव्या शतकापावेतों कागदावर लिहि ण्याची कला ग्रीक लोकांस साध्य झाली नव्हती. त्यापूर्वी लांक्रूड, पितळ, किंवा दगड ह्यांवर ते आपले लेख कोरून ठेवीत असत. इ.स.पू. ५७३ ह्यावर्षी इजित देशांत राज्यक्रान्ति होऊन अमा सीज नांवाच्या पुरुषास तेथील राज्य प्राप्त झाले. त्यानें ग्रीक लोकांशीं स्नेह जोडिला, व त्यांस आपल्या राज्यांत आणून वसाहती व व्यापार करण्याची परवानगी दिली. ह्या परिचयामुळे इजिप्त देशां तील पेपिरस वनस्पति ग्रीक लोकांनी पुढे आपल्या देशांत आणिली. ही वनस्पति इजित देशांत पुष्कळ होत असे, व तिचा तेथील लोक एक प्रकारचा कागद बनवीत. हल्लींचा कागदाचा वाचक ' पेपर ' हा इंग्रजी शब्द ह्या पेपिरस वरूनच झाला आहे. ग्रीस देशांत हा कागद आल्यापासून लेखनकला सर्वत्र पसरली. त्यानंतरच होम रचे ग्रंथ लिहिले गेले. पूर्वी ते लोकांस मुखोद्गत मात्र असत. होमर आशियाच्या पश्चिम किनाऱ्यावर राहत होता, तेथून कोणीं तरी हे ग्रंथ ग्रीस देशांत आणून हल्लींच्या स्थितीत लिहून काढिले. हे ग्रंथ प्रथम निर्माण झाले, त्या वेळीं ग्रीक लोकांची स्थिति व रीतीभाती कशा होत्या, ह्याची माहिती ह्या ग्रंथांवरूनच कायती उपलब्ध आहे.

 ट्रोजन युद्ध झाल्यावर बऱ्याच काळानें होमर अवतीर्ण झाला. तो इ.स.पू. नवव्या शतकांत झाला असावा असा तर्क आहे. त्या दरम्यानच्या काळांत ग्रीसच्या उत्तरभागांतील थेसली प्रांतां तून डोरियन नांवाचे लोक दक्षिणेंत आले व त्यांनी सर्व देश काबीज केला. म्हणजे नॉर्मन लोकांनी इंग्लंडांत येऊन सॅक्सन लोकांना जिंकिलें, त्याचप्रमाणें डोरियन लोकांनीं येऊन पहिल्या हेलन लोकांना जिंकिलें, ह्या डोरियन लोकांच्या युद्धांची हकीगत फारशी उपलब्ध नाहीं. परंतु त्यांनी देशांत अनेक राज्यें स्थापिली. तेव्हांपासून पुढें ग्रीक लोकांच्या तीन पृथक् जाती दिसून येतात, त्या ह्या : ईओलियन्स, आयोनियन्स्, आणि डोरियन्स ह्या सर्वांस मीक असेंच म्हणत ; तरी त्यांजमधील परस्पर भेद नेहमीं कायम.होते. उदाहरणार्थ, अथोनियन लोक हे आयोनियन जातीचे असून स्पार्टन लोक डोरियन जातीचे होते. असाच भेद इंग्लंडांतही नार्मन व सॅक्सन ह्या दोन लोकांमध्यें पुष्कळ वर्षे कायम होता, हैं इंग्लंडच्या इतिहासज्ञांस महशूर आहे.

प्रकरण दुसरे - होमरच्या वेळची ग्रीसची स्तिती

 होमरच्या काव्यांत ग्रीसदेशाची माहिती मिळते, तिजवरून असें दिसतें कीं, उत्तरेस आयोनियन किनाऱ्यावर थेसली, इटोलिया व आकरनेनिया ; मध्यभागी डोरिस व फोसिस ; आणि कारिंथ आखाताच्या किनाऱ्यावर लोक्रिस, असे उत्तर प्रांताचे सहा भाग त्या वेळीं होते. उत्तर भाग व दक्षिण भाग हे कॉरिंथच्या संयोगिभूमीनें जोडलेले असून, तिजमधून एक डोंगराची रांग दक्षिणोत्तर गेली आहे ; व दक्षिणेस ह्या रांगेस अनेक फांटे फुटल्यामुळे, दक्षिण भाग जो पिलॉपोनेसस त्याचे अनेक विभाग झाले आहेत. त्या विभागांस आकेया, आर्केडिया, एलिस, मेसेनिया, आर्गोलिस आणि लॅको निया अशीं नांवें होतीं. स्पार्टा शहर ह्या लॅकोनिया प्रांतांत आहे. वरील सर्व प्रांतांत स्वतंत्र राज्यें होतीं. त्यांतील राज्यव्यवस्था बहु तेक एकसारखीच असे. मुख्य राजा असे, त्याची गादी वंशपरंपरा चाले. युद्धप्रसंगी सर्व अधिकार राजाचे हातीं असून, शांततेच्या दिवसांत राज्यकारभार पाहणारी त्याच्या हाताखालीं एक सभा असे, मुख्य न्यायाधीशाचें कामही राजाकडेच असून तो न्यायसर्भेत येऊन इनसाफ करी. ह्या न्यायसभा बाजारच्या चौकांत अथवा अन्यत्र उघड्या जागेत भरत न्यायाधीशांकरितां शिलासनें केलेली असून, तीं अर्धवर्तुलाकृति मंडळांत माडलेली असत.

 होमरच्या काळीं ग्रीक लोक बरेच सुधारलेले असून उपयुक्त कलांचें ज्ञान त्यांस बरेंच होतें. तथापि तें ज्ञान सर्व लोकांत पसरलेलें नस ल्यामुळे, शिल्पज्ञ लोकांस कवि किंवा वैद्य ह्यांजप्रमाणेंच उच्च मान मिळत असे. लोकरीचीं वस्त्रे विणणें, व मातीचीं ओबडधोबड भांडों बनविणें ह्या गोष्टीं त्यांस येत होत्या. इजिप्त देशांतून मलमल, आणि बाबिलोन, टायर व सिडोन येथून गालिचे, ग्रीस देशांत येत असत. कित्येक श्रीमंत लोकांपाशीं चांदीचे झाले असत, पण ते परदेशांतून आलेले असावे.

 होमरच्या वेळीं व पुढेही ग्रीक लोकांचे सर्व सामान्य धंदे म्हणजे शेती, दारू तयार करणें, व गुरेंमेंढरें बाळगणे हे होते. पण त्या वेळीं निरनिराळ्या राज्यांमध्ये एकसारखे युद्धप्रसंग चालू असल्या मुळे हे उद्योग बंद पडत ; व शेतकरी असो कीं गवळी असो, त्यास लढाईवर जाणें भाग पड़े.

 राजधानीच्या मध्यभागी किंवा जवळपास उच्चभागी एक लांकडी किल्ला बांधलेला असून, त्यांत तत्कालीन राजे राहत असत. ह्या किल्ल्यास आक्रोपोलिस असें म्हणत. श्रीमंत लोकांचे वाडे लांकडीच असत ; व त्यांस वाडे असें नांव होतें तरी, ती केवळ ओबडधोबड लांकडी घेरें असत. ह्या वाड्यांत पाहुण्यांच्या सोयीसाठीं मोठमोठीं दालनें बांधिलेलीं असत. कारण पाहुण्यांचा आदरसत्कार करण्यांत ग्रीक लोक मोठें अगत्य दाखवीत. त्यांजकडे कोणीही गृहस्थ आला की, त्याचा सत्कार करणें आपले कर्तव्य आहे असें ग्रीक लोक समजत ; तो शत्रु आहे कीं मित्र आहे, ह्याचा विचार ते प्रथम करीत नसत.

 डेन्स लोक ज्याप्रमाणें पर्वी समुद्रावर चोन्या करून इंग्लंडवर धाड घालीत, त्याचप्रमाणें प्राचीन काळीं ग्रीक लोकांत चांचेपणाचा धंदा करूनही पुष्कळ बडे लोक उदयास आले होते. आजूबाजूच्या किना व्यांवर धाड घालून लूट पैदा करणें हें राज लोक सुद्धां मोठें वीर्योत्ते जक व भूषणावह समजत ह्या लुच्या स्वारीत ते जीं गलबतें वापरीत, तीं लांब व चिंचोळी असून, त्यांस एक डोलकाठी, व शीड व वल्हीं असत. त्यांपैकी कित्येक मोठी असून त्यांत शंभर शंभर लोकांचा समावेश होत असे. तथापि त्या वेळी होकायंत्र माहीत नसल्यामुळें, समुद्रकिनारा सोडून हीं गलबतें फारशीं दूर जात नसत.

 हा चांचेपणाचा धंदा अगदीं सार्वत्रिक होता. शेतकरी कामास जाऊं लागला, कीं त्यास लढाईच्या तयारीनें जावें लागे ; कारण लुटारू लोकांचा हल्ला केव्हां येईल त्याचा नेम नसे. ह्या धास्ती पासून लोकांचा बचाव करण्यासाठी सर्व संस्थानांनी मिळून एक प्रतिनिधिसभा स्थापन केली. ह्या सभेस प्रत्येक संस्थानांतून दोन प्रतिनिधि येत. ही सभा वर्षातून दोनदां भरे : एकदां पावसाळ्यांत थर्मापिली येथें, व पुनः वसंतकाळीं डेल्फाय येथें. ह्या सभेस अॅफिक्टिओनिक (amphictyonic) म्हणजे अन्योन्यस्त्नेहसंवर्धक असें नांव होतें. सर्व राष्ट्रांनी शांततेच्या व युद्धाच्या प्रसंगी पाळ. ण्याचे नियम ह्या सर्भेत ठरत ; तसेंच धार्मिक संप्रदाय कोणी मोडिल्यास, त्यास शासन करण्यांत येत असे ; व ठरविलेले नियम बरोबर पाळले गेले कीं नाहीं, ह्याचा खलही ह्या सहामाही बैठकीत होत असे. ह्या सभेचे सभासद पांच वर्षातून एकदां आपल्या सर्व कुटुंबांसुद्धां डेलॉस येथें जमून एक मोठा धर्मोत्सव करीत.  ग्रीक लोकांच्या धर्मात सण व उत्सव ह्यांचें महत्त्व मोठे असे. त्यांजविषयीं होमरच्या ग्रंथांत विशेष माहिती नाहीं. तथापि देशां • तील सर्व लोक एकत्र जमून देवाचा उत्सव व यज्ञयाग करीत. त्या वेळेस भजन होई, व मिरवणूक निघे. ग्रीक लोकांतील सार्व जनिक भजनांचा हा आरंभ होय. ह्या भजनांत वाजंत्रों व झांजा वापरीत.

 होमरच्या वेळीं ग्रीक लोकांचीं देवळें लहान व लांकडी असूनही तीं एखाद्या मोठ्या राईत बांधिलेली असत, व आंत दिवे लावीत. पुढें देशांत संपत्ति वाढली, तेव्हां लांकडी काम काढून लोकांनी ते दुगडी केलें, रांईतील झाडे तोडण्याची मनाई असे. कोणी एखादा गुन्हेगार म्यायासनासमोर येण्याचें चुकवून ह्या राईत लपून राहिला तर, तो तेथें आहे तोपर्यंत त्यास पकडले जाण्याची भीति नसे. ग्रीक लोकांत उपाध्यायांचा म्हणून निराळा वर्ग नव्हता. सार्वजनिक सणांच्या प्रसंगी उपाध्यायांचें काम करण्यास लायक इसम नेमीत, व प्रत्येक कुटुंबांतला मुख्य इसम आपापल्या घरीं तें काम करीत असे.

 होमरच्या वेळेस एकंदर लोकांचे तीन वर्ग होते. पहिला वर्ग, युद्धांत पराक्रम करून व विजय संपादून ज्यांनी देश जिंकला होता, अशा लोकांचा ; ते आपणांस सरदार किंवा योद्धे असें समजत. दुसरा वर्ग जिंकलेल्या लोकांचा ; व तिसरा वर्ग गुलामांचा.

 प्राचीन ग्रीक लोकांची राहणी अगदी असे. त्यांच्या घरांत मेजें, खुर्च्या व बांकें असें सामान असून, शिवाय कांहीं श्रीमंतांच्या घरांतून पलंग असत. त्यांवर वाघ किंवा अन्य जनावरां च्या चामड्यांच्या गाद्या घातलेल्या असत. गरीब लोक जमिनीवर मेंढ्यांची चामडी, वाळलेली पानें किंवा लव्हाळे आंथरून त्यांवर निजत. पुरुष वरपासून खालपर्यंत अंग झांकणारें धोतर नेसत, व त्यावर एक लोंकरीची शाल पांघरीत. बायका लांबच लांब बाह्या असलेला एक झगा अंगांत घालून त्यावर पुरुषांप्रमाणेच शाल पांघरून घेत. हा पोषाख श्रीमंत लोकांचा झाला. पण सामान्य गरीब लोक बकयां मेंढ्यांची कातडी नेसत. सरदार लोक लढाईच्या प्रसंगी अंगात चिलखत घालून रथारूढ होत. युद्ध हें त्यांचें मुख्य काम असल्या मुळें, शस्त्रें, घोडे व रथ हीच कायती त्यांची मुख्य मालमत्ता असे.

 घरांत ते कसे राहत ह्याची माहिती फारशी मिळत नाहीं. मोठमोठ्या भोजनप्रसंगी मेजवानीच्या दालनांत लोक चौफेर भिंती पाठ लावून बसत ; व प्रत्येकाच्या पुढे लहानशा चौरंगावर पात्र ठेविलेलें असे. दालनांतील मधला भाग मोकळा असून तेथें वाजंत्री वाद्ये वाजवून जेवणारांची करमणूक करीत. गोमांस, मेंढ्याचें, वकऱ्याचें, व डुकराचें मांस, पनीर ( Cheese ), आणि फळें हे खा प्याचे मुख्य पदार्थ असत ; व दारूंत पाणी मिसळून तें ते पीत, दारूचें मिश्रण एका मोठ्या घागरींत तयार करून ते प्रत्येकास वाढीत, भांडे तोंडास लावण्यापूर्वी प्रत्येक इसम थोडेंसें पेय जमिनीवर ओती, व त्या वेळीं ' अपालो तुला अर्पण ;  " देवी तुला अर्पण ", असें म्हणून इष्टदेवतेचें स्मरण करी. ह्या विधीस नैवेद्य असें म्हणतां येईल. भांडर्डी व प्याले बहुतेक मातीचे असत ; पण श्रीमंत लोकांच्या घरी मेजवानीच्या प्रसंगीं कधीं कधीं चांदीचे प्यालेही दिसत असत.

प्रकरण तिसरे - अथेन्सचे राज्य

 ग्रीस देशांत पुष्कळ लहान लहान राज्यें होती हैं वर सांगितलेंच आहे. त्यांत आथेन्स आणि स्पार्टी हीं मुख्य व विशेष प्रवल होतीं. आथेन्सची स्थापना केव्हां झाली तें बरोबर सांगतां येत नाहीं. प्रथम अँटिका प्रांताचे अनेक लहान लहान विभाग होते. प्रत्येक विभागावर स्वतंत्र राजा होता. वास्तविक म्हटले तर हे विभांग अगर्दीच लहान म्हणजे दोन तीन गांव मिळून झालेले होते. म्हणून त्यांस राज्य म्हणण्यापेक्षां संस्थानें म्हणणें वरें, निरनिराळ्या संस्थांनांत नेहमीं तंटे व लढाया होत. पुढें कांहीं काळाने बारा संस्थानें एक झालीं, व त्यांचें प्रमुखत्व आथेन्सकडे आलें, त्या वेळीं एकमेकांनीं एकमेकांस मदत करून सर्वांचा बचाव करावा असा विचार ठरला. सेक्रॉप्स् आणि त्याचीं बारा शहरें ह्यांविषयीं जी कथा प्रचलित आहे, ती ह्या वरील बारा संस्थानांच्या एकीपासून निघाली असावी. कांहीं काळ लोटल्यावर ह्या सर्व संस्थानांचें एकच राज्य होऊन, त्याची राजधानी आथेन्स शहर झालें ; व सर्व राज्यकारभार आथेन्स येथें होऊं लागला.

 अशी एक दंतकथा आहे कीं, थीसियस नांवाच्या राजानें ह्या वरील संस्थानांची एकी केली, त्यानें आथेन्स शहर वाढविलें,देवालयें बांधिली, आणि सर्व अॅटिकांतील लोकांसाठी कायदे व निबंध तयार केले. हा थीसियस कोणी खराखुरा पुरुष झाला, की केवळ काल्पनिक होता, हैं निश्चित सांगतां येत नाहीं. एवढें खरें, कीं अथीनियन लोक त्यास फार पूज्य मानीत, व देवाप्रमाणें त्वाची पूजा करीत. तथापि तो काल्पनिक पुरुष असावा असे दिसतें. कारण आथेन्सचे कायदे एकाने तयार केलेले नाहीत, ते निरनिराळ्या वेळीं तयार झाले आहेत. ॲटिकांतील लोकांचें एक राज्य झाल्यावर, सर्व लोकांचे चार भाग व ह्या प्रत्येक भागाचे तीन पोटभाग करण्यांत आले. ह्या पोटभागांस ' फ्रेट्रिया, अशी संज्ञा होती. फ्रेट्रिया म्हणजे एक जात. प्रत्येक फ्रेटियांत अनेक गोत्रांचे म्हणजे अनेक मूळपुरुषांगसून वृद्धि पावलेले लोक असत ; एका गोत्रांत अनेक कुटुंचें असत. ह्या सर्व विभागांत जेवढ्यांची गणना असे, तेवढ्यांसच ' आथेन्सचे नगरवासी अशी संज्ञा असून, त्यांस कांहीं विशिष्ट हक्क असत. एका फ्रेट्रियांत सुमारें तीस गोत्रे असत, प्रत्येक गोत्राची विशिष्ट देवता असून, तिचेंच भजन व पूजन त्या गोत्रांत चाले. प्रत्येक गोत्राचे विशिष्ट कुलाचार असून, त्याचीं प्रेतें पुरण्याची जागा पृथक् असे. तसेंच प्रत्येक कुटुंबांतील धार्मिक संस्कार निराळे असून ते त्या कुटुंबांत नेहमीं चालवीत. एखाद्या कुटुंबाचा निर्देश होऊन, कुळधर्म बंद पडले तर, सर्व देशावर देवाचा कोप होऊन कांहीं तरी आपत्ति येईल, असा लोकांचा समज होता.

 इ.स.पू. नवव्या शतकाचे अखेरीस आथेन्सची राज्यसत्ता मोडली ; व हळू हळू प्रजासत्ताक राज्य स्थापन होण्यास प्रारंभ झाला, पहिल्या प्रथम राजा जाऊन त्याच्या जागीं आर्कन नांवाचा एक मुख्य अधिकारी म्ह ० मॅजिस्ट्रेट नेमण्यांत आला ; त्यांचा अधिकार त्याच्या हयातीपर्यंत चाले. असा बदल होण्याचें कारण दंतकथेवरून असे दिसतें कीं, एकदां पिलॉपोनेसस येथील फौजेने ॲटिकावर स्वारी केली. तेव्हां डेल्फाय येथील अपॉलोचा कौल घेण्याकरितां आथेन्समधून वकील पाठविण्यांत आले. त्या वकिलांनी देवीचा कौल घेऊन असा निरोप आणिला की, आये मंसचा राजा मरेल तरच शत्रूचा पराभव होईल. हा निरोप आथेन्सचा राजा कोड्स झानें ऐकिला व आपला जीव देण्याचा निश्चय केला. नंतर आपण होऊन तो कोणास न कळवितां शत्रूच्या फौजेंत शिरला, तेथें त्यास शत्रूनी न ओळखतां ठार मारिलें. पुढे शत्रूस ही सर्व गोष्ट समजून, आथेन्स जिंकण्याचें काम दुर्घट आहे अशी त्यांची खात्री झाली, व ते स्वदेशी परत गेले. इकडे आथेन्सच्या लोकांनी राजा मेल्यावर आर्कनची नेमणूक केली.

 वरसांगितलेल्या डेल्फायच्या कौलाचें महत्त्व राज्यकारभारत अतोनात होतें. राष्ट्राचे राजकीय व खासगी व्यवहार एवढ्याश्या यःकश्चित् गोष्टीवर अवलंबून असलेले इतिहासांत क्वचितच आढळतात. ग्रीक लोकांचा व पुढें रोमन लोकांचा ही असा समज होता, कीं ह्या कौलांच्या द्वारे देव आपली इच्छा प्रगट करितात. प्राचीनकाळी ग्रीस देशांतच नव्हे तर, त्या वेळच्या मूर्तिपूजक राष्ट्रांत अपॉलोचें प्रस्थ मोठें होतें. त्याचें देऊळ डेल्फायच्या बेटावर एका राईत असून आंत सोन्याची मूर्ति होती. देऊळ फुलांच्या माळांनी सदैव शृंगारि लेलें असे. तेथें नेहमीं सहा पुजारी असत. सर्वांच्या प्रश्नांची उत्तरें देण्याचें काम ह्या पुजा - यांकडे असल्यामुळे त्यांस अतिशय महत्त्व आलें होतें. सर्व ग्रीक लोकांची अशी पक्की समजूत होती कीं ह्रीं उत्तरें खास अपॉलोकडूनच येतात. परंतु हे पुजारी राज्यांतील प्रमुख लोक असल्यामुळे त्यांच्या मर्जीस येईल त्याप्रमाणे लोकांस ते प्रश्नांचीं उत्तरें देत ह्यांत कांहीं संशय नाहीं. आधीं तें देऊळच एका अवघड ठिकाणीं बांधिलेलें होतें. त्यांत खाली एक मोठें भुयार होतें ; त्यांतून दुर्गधयुक्त हवा वर येत असे ; आणि तिचा श्वासोच्छ्वास करणारास घेरी येऊन चमत्कारिक वाटल्याशिवाय राहत नसे. भुयाराचे तोंड नेहमीं बंद असे. पण प्रश्न विचारावयाचा असे तेव्हां त्या तोंडावर एक तिवई ठेवीत ; व तिजवर एक बाई बसवीत. ह्या बाईला पायथिया असे म्हणत. तिला तिवईवर बसविल्यावर मग भुयाराचें द्वार उघ डीत, त्याबरोबर ती दुर्गंधीनें घुसमटून चमत्कारिक हातवारे व वड बड करूं लागे, की मग तिच्या अंगांत देव आला असें लोकांस वाटे. अंगांत आल्यावर ती जे शब्द उच्चारी, ते सर्व शब्द पुजारी लिहून घेत ; व मागून त्याची कविता बनवून ती पृच्छकांच्या हवाली करीत. ह्या कवितेंतील शब्दरचना अशी घोटाळ्याची असे कीं, त्यांतून वाटेल तो अर्थ निघावा. तेणेंकरून, पुढें कसाही प्रकार घडून आला तरी, भविष्य खरें झालें अशी लोकांची खात्री करण्यास अडचण पडत नसे. म्हणून देवाचा कौल खोटा ठरण्याचा प्रसंगच कर्धी येत नसे.

 ह्याप्रमाणें डेल्फायच्या कौलार्चे महत्त्व अतिशय वाढलें होतें. पायथियाचें काम करण्याकरितां आरंभी एखादी हलक्या कुळांतील बाई आणीत. एकवार तिचा देवळांत प्रवेश झाल्यावर, तिला देऊळ सोडून जाण्याची किंवा लग्न करण्याची मनाई असे. एकदां अशी एक तरुण स्त्री वरील नियम मोडून पळून गेली, तेव्हां असा कायदा करण्यांत आला कीं, पन्नास वर्षांखालील बाईस देवळात घेऊं नये, आरंभी पुष्कळ दिवस पायथियाचें काम एकच बाई करीत असे ; पण पुढे पुढें पृच्छकांची संख्या अतोनात वाढल्यामुळे दोन बाया ठेवण्यांत आल्या, व दुर्गंधयुक्त हवेनें एखादी बाई क्वचित्प्रसंगी आजारी वगैरे झाल्यास, काम बंद पडूं नये म्हणून, तिसरी एक बाई देवळांत आणून तयार ठेवीत असत.

 डेल्फायच्या देवाकडे वकील पाठविण्यासाठी आथेन्सच्या लोकांनी सरकारी गलबतें बांधिलीं होतीं. तीं फार पवित्र ससजत. इतर धार्मिक महोत्सवांच्या प्रसंगीही ह्या गलबतांचा उपयोग कर ण्यांत येई. मागें सांगितलेंच आहे कीं, डोरियन लोकांनी आथेन्सवर स्वारी केली, तेव्हां देवाकडून आलेला कौल राजा कोड्स ह्यास सांगण्यांत आला ; त्याबरहुकूम त्यानें जीव दिल्यावर पुढें नवीन राजा न नेमतां आर्कन ह्या हुद्याचा एक मुख्य अधिकारी नेमण्याची चाल आथीनियन लोकांनी पाडिली. अथेन्सचा राजवंश बंद पडला त्याची दंतकथा मूळ अशी आहे.

 आर्कनची नेमणूक तरी आरंभी वंशपरंपरा होती, ती सुमारें १६० वर्षे तशी चालली. पुढे कांहीं दिवस दरदहावर्षांनी नवीन आर्कन नेमावा असें ठरलें, असा प्रकार कांहीं दिवस चालल्यावर अल्पसत्ताक म्हणजे नऊ प्रधानांची राज्यव्यवस्था सुरू झाली ; म्हणजे राज्यांतील नऊ प्रमुख सरदारांच्या हातांत राज्यव्यवस्था देण्यांत आली. ह्या नवांत एक इसम मुख्यप्रधान, दुसरा मुख्य धर्माधिकारी आणि तिसरा सेनापति असे, बाकीचे सहा असामी राज्यांतील मुख्य. न्यायाधीश होते.

 ह्याप्रमाणे सर्व सत्ता राज्यांतील श्रीमंत व प्रमुख लोकांच्या हातांत गेल्यामुळे, रयतेचें नुकसान होऊ लागलें. हे सरदार लोक वाटेल ते कायदे करीत, व लोकांस पिळून काढीत. त्यांनी लोकांवर जबरदस्त कर वसविले, ते भरण्यासाठी लोकांस आपल्या जमिनी गहाण टाकणे किंवा जबर व्याजानें कर्ज काढणें भाग पडूं लागले. अशा कर्जात बुडून जाऊन त्यांच्या सर्व जमिनी जप्त झाल्या, व ते केवळ गुलाम होऊन बसले. कारण जो कोणी इसम कर्ज फेड ण्यास असमर्थ असेल, त्यानें धनकोच्या येथें गुलामगिरी किंवा मजुरी करून त्याचें कर्ज फेडले पाहिजे, असा कायदा होता. कित्येकांनी तर ह्या कर्जाचे पाय आपली मुलेंमाणसें सुद्धां विकलीं. अठरा वर्षा खालील मुलगे व अविवाहित मुली किंवा बहिणी विकण्याची प्रत्ये कास कायद्यानें मुभा होती. दारिद्र्यामुळे ते नाना प्रकारचे गुन्हे करूं लागले, व असे गुन्हे बंद करण्याकरितां अधिकाऱ्यांनी ज्यास्त कडक कायदे केले. असले कडक कायदे करणारा एक मुख्य गृहस्थ ड्रेको म्हणून होता. त्याचा स्वभाव अत्यंत बेफिकीर व कडक असल्या मुळे लोकांस कठोरपणाने वागवून त्यांस दावांत ठेवण्याचा त्याचा इरादा होता. आथेन्सचे पहिले कायदे ड्रेकोनेंच केलेले होते. बहुतेक गुन्ह्यांस मृत्यूचीच शिक्षा ठरविली असल्यामुळे, डेकोचे कायदे रक्तानें लिहिलेले आहेत, अशी सामान्यतः म्हण पडली होती.

 पण ह्याचा परिणाम चांगला झाला नाहीं. जिकडे तिकडे असंतोष माजला. सायलोन नांवाचा एक सरदार होता, त्यानें अशा संधींत बंड केलें. कांहीं सोबती जमवून त्यानें आथेन्सचा किल्ला काबीज केला, तेव्हां त्यास सरकारी फौजेनें वेढा घातला. पुढे किल्ला सरकारच्या हुस्तगत झाला, पण सायलोन पळून गेला, तो हाती लागला नाहीं,बाकीचे लोक आथिना देवीच्या देवळांत जाऊन लपून बसले. ' तुम्हांस सर्व गुन्हे माफ करून सोडून देऊं, ' असें त्या लोकांस वचन देऊन, देवळांतून बाहेर आणिलें, व विश्वासघातानें सर्वांस ठार मारिलें.

 ह्या विश्वासघातकी कृत्यानें आथेन्स येथें राज्यक्रान्ति झाली. सर्व लोक घाबरून गेले. वर सांगितलेल्या विश्वासघाताबद्दल देवी आपला काय सूड घेईल नकळे, अशी सर्वांस चिंता पडली. तेव्हां खऱ्या गुन्हेगारांस शिक्षा करून देवीचा राग शांत करण्यासाठी, तीनशें नगरवासी लोकांची एक सभा बसली. तिनें सर्व गुन्हेगारांस हद्दपार केलें. नंतर सोलन नांवाच्या गृहस्थानें आथेन्स येथें नवीन राज्यव्यवस्था व कायदे सुरू केले. हा प्रकार इ. स. पू. ५९४ ह्या वर्षी घडला, सोलन हा प्राचीन ग्रीक इतिहासांत मोठा शहाणा व सज्जन म्हणून नांवाजलेला आहे. त्यानें प्रथम गहाण पडलेल्या मिळकती सोडविण्याचा कायदा केला. कर्जदारांस गुलाम बनविण्याची मनाई करण्याचाही दुसरा एक कायदा त्यानें केला. मोठ्या खुबीनें त्यानें नाण्याची किंमत बदलली. ड्राक्मा म्हणून आथेन्सचें नाणें होतें. त्र्याहत्तर जुन्या ड्राक्मांची किंमत शंभर नवीन ड्राक्मा समजावी, असा ठराव करून, ७३ ड्राक्मा दिले म्हणजे शंभरांची फेड झाली असा ठराव त्यानें केला. राज्यव्यवस्थेत एक मोठा फरक त्यानें असा केला कीं, अमुक एक दौलत जवळ असणान्या सव लोकांस आर्कनची जागा मिळण्यास प्रतिबंध असू नये. ह्या सवलतीनें सरदार व सामान्य लोक यांजमधील भेद बहुतेक नाहींसे झाले, व लोकांच्या हातांत बरीच सत्ता आली. त्यामुळे श्रीमंतांचा गरिबांवर होणारा जुलूम पुष्कळ कमी झाला.

 पूर्वी राज्यांतील सर्व मोठमोठ्या जागा बड्या लोकांसच काय त्या मिळत असत. परंतु सोलनच्या कायद्यानें अमुक एक इस्टेट असणारे सर्व लोक सारख्या योग्यतेचे झाले. सोलननें सर्व सामान्य लोकांचे चार वर्ग केले. ज्या इसमाचें वार्षिक उत्पन्न पांचरों मापें किंवा ज्यास्त होतें, अशांचा पहिला वर्ग : मग हीं मानें धान्य, दारू किंवा अन्य पदा थांचों असली तरी हरकत नाहीं. दर एक मापाची किंमत एक ड्राक्मा समजावयाची. ह्या पहिल्या वर्गातील पाहिजे त्या इसमास आर्कन करण्यास हरकत नाहीं, असा सोलननें ठराव केला. दुसरा वग स्वारलोकांचा : ह्यांनीं युद्धोपयोगी असा निदान एक घोडा तरी जवळ बाळगिला पाहिजे, व पगार न घेतां लढण्यास आले पाहिजे, असा ठराव होता. तिसरा वर्ग लहान लहान जमिनींच्या मालकांचा ; ह्यांस पायदळ म्हणत ; व त्यांस स्वतःची हत्यारें बाळगावी लागत. चवथ्या वर्गात सर्व स्वतंत्र मजुरांचा समावेश असून, त्यांस जरी कोणतेंही सरकारी काम देतां येत नसे, तरी हरएक प्रकारच्या सार्वजनिक संस्थेस हजर राहणें, व आर्कन किंवा दुसन्या अधिका न्यांच्या नेमणुका करितांना मत देणें, हे हक्क त्यांस होते. पहिल्या तीन वर्गातील लोकांस कमी ज्यास्त प्रमाणानें सरकारास कर द्यावे लागत ; चवथ्या वर्गावर कोणताही कर नसे.

 फौजदारी दाव्यांचा निकाल करण्याकरितां एरिओपेगस नांवाचें एक कोर्ट सालेननें स्थापिलें, असें सांगतात. पण आथेन्स येथें मार्स हिल नांवाची एक टेंकडी आहे. तीवर सोलनच्या अगोदरपासून असलेले एक कोर्ट बसत असे. ( ह्याच ठिकाणीं सेंटपॉल ह्यानें आथी नियन लोकांस उपदेश केल्याचा उल्लेख बायबलांत आहे. ) तथापि पूर्वीच्या कोर्टात व त्याच्या अधिकारांत सोलन ह्यानें पुष्कळ नवीन फेरफार केले ह्यांत संशय नाहीं. ह्या कोर्टाच्या चौथऱ्याचे पडके भाग अजून आथेन्स येथें दृष्टीस पडतात.

 सोलननें एरिओपेगस कोर्टाच्या बाबतीत मुख्य फरक असा कला कीं, लोकांच्या नैतिक वर्तनावर देखरेख ठेवण्याचा कोटसि अधिकार दिला पाहिजे त्या वेळेस लोकांच्या घरांत शिरून त्यांचें आचरण शुद्ध आहे कीं नाहीं, व ते विनाकारण पैसा उधळितात की काय, हे पाहण्याचा न्यायाधीशांस अधिकार दिला. त्यांच्या दृष्टीस कांहीं गैरशिस्त प्रकार पडल्यास, त्याबद्दल दंड किंवा अन्य शिक्षा करण्याचा त्यांस अधिकार होता. म्हणून ह्या एरिओपेगसच्या अधि कायांस सर्व लोक भीत असत. त्यांच्या समोर कोणी हंसत नसे. लोकांवर कर बसविण्याचें काम ह्यांजकडेच असल्यामुळे प्रत्येक इसमास आपली जमीन, जिंदगी व उत्पन्न ह्यांजबद्दलची कच्ची इकीगत ह्या कोर्टाकडे जाहीर करावी लागे.

 सोलननें एकंदर दहा न्यायकोर्टें स्थापिलीं ; व प्रत्येक कोर्टातील कजे ऐकण्यास सहाशें इसमांची जरी नेमून दिली. परदेशांतील कारा गीर लोक आपल्या राज्यांत आणून त्यांजकडून अनेक उद्योग धंदे सुरू केले. आथेन्सची लढाऊ गलबतेंही ह्यानेंच बांधिलीं. त्याजबद्दल असा नियम केला कीं, वर सांगितलेल्या चार वर्गीपैकीं प्रत्येक वर्गानें बारा जहाजें लढाईस सज करून दिली पाहिजेत, आणि तसेंच अमुक एक उत्पन्न असणाऱ्या वाटेल त्या इसमास जहाजाचा कप्तान नेमावें, व त्याजबद्दल एक वर्षाचा सर्व खर्च ज्याचा त्यानें सोसावा. अशा इसमांस ट्रायरास (Trierarchs) असें म्हणत.

 ह्याशिवाय मध्यम वर्गातील लोकांची स्थिति सुधारण्याकरितां सोलननें आणखी अनेक कायदे केले, व बड्या लोकांचा जुलूम बंद केला. परंतु त्यानें केलेल्या सर्वच गोष्टी लोकांस पसंत पडल्या असें नाहीं. म्हणून देशपर्यटन आणि ग्रंथलेखन हीं. कामें पत्करून, त्यासाठी तो आथेन्स सोडून निघून गेला. त्याचे कायदे लांकडी तक्त्यांवर खोदलेले असत. हे तक्ते आंसावर फिरते ठेवून, ते प्रथम किल्ल्यांत व मागाहून सार्वजनिक सभागृहांत ठेवण्यांत आले.

प्रकरण चौथे  - स्पार्टाचे राज्य

 कॉरिंथच्या आखातानें ग्रीस देशाचे दोन भाग झाले आहेत. त्यांतील दक्षिणभागाच्या अगर्दी दक्षिणच्या टोंकास लॅकोनिया असें म्हणतात. ह्या लॅकोनिया प्रांतात स्पार्टी शहर आहे. प्राचीन काळी डोरियन लोकांनी हा प्रांत जिंकिला, व त्यास लॅसिडीमन असें नांव दिलें. हळू हळू ह्या डोरियन लोकांनी आजूबाजूस आपला अंमल वाढविला ; व जिंकलेल्या लोकांवर खंडणी बसविली. डोरियन लोक मूळच्या रहिवाश्यांस आपले ताबेदार समजत ; व आपणांस ते स्पार्टन्स व लॅसिडिमोनियन्स असे म्हणं लागले. जिंकलेल्या लोकांस लॅकोनियन्स हें नांव प्राप्त झालें. ह्या दोन लोकांत बेटीव्यवहार बंद होता. जिंकले. ल्यांस आपल्याबरोबरीचे हक्क त्यांनीं कधींच दिले नाहींत, म्हणून ह्या उभयतांमधील भेद पुष्कळ शतकें कायम राहिला. जिंकलेल्या लोकांस राज्यप्रकरण कोणतेही हक्क नव्हते, व त्यांस राज्यांत नोकप्याही मिळत नसत. त्यांची कामें फक्त व्यापार व शेती ह्रीं होतीं. स्पार्टन लोक आपणास लढवय्ये समजत असल्यामुळे, व्यापार व शेती ही कामें त्यांस हलकीं वाटत असत.

 ह्या दोन जातींशिवाय स्पार्टा संस्थानांत हेलॉट नांवाचे गुलांमा सारखे पुष्कळ लोक होते. त्यांस जमिनी दिल्या असून, त्या ते नांगरीत व त्यांचा क्रयविक्रय करीत. जमिनीचा मालक निराळाच असे ; पण त्याची ह्या गुलामांवर संपूर्ण सत्ता नसे. हे हेलॉट गुलाम सरकारच्या मालकीचे म्हणून समजले जात, व त्यांस गुलामगिरीतून मुक्त करण्याचे काम सरकारचें असे. त्यांची मूळउत्पत्ति माहीत नाहीं ; परंतु बहुधा ते देशांतले मूळचे रहिवाशी असून, त्या वेळच्या जमीनदारांचे नोकर बनले असावे. स्पार्टन लोकांनी त्यांजवर नाना तऱ्हेचे जुलूम केल्यामुळे, व अनेक वेळां त्यांनी शेंकडों लोकांची कत्तल उडविल्यामुळे, त्यांची स्थिति अगदी शोचनीय झाली होती. त्यांनी आपल्या सत्तेविरुद्ध ब्र काढू नये असा स्पार्टन लोकांनी बंदोबस्त ठेविला होता, असे सांगतात की, एका प्रसंग दोन हजार हेलॉट लोकांस स्पार्टन लोकांनी मेजवानीस बोलाविलें, व विश्वास घातानें सर्वस कापून काढिलें हेलॉट लोकांची कित्येक कुटुंबें आपल्या शेतांवर घरें करून राहत, व कित्येक लोक स्पार्टनलोकांच्या घरीं काबाडकष्ट करीत. युद्धप्रसंगी प्रत्येक स्पार्टन गृहस्थ आपल्या. बरोबर सात असामी हेलॉट गुलाम घेत असे. स्पार्टन पायदळाप्रमाणें ह्या हेलॉट लोकांना अवजड शिरस्त्राणें व चिलखतें दिलेलीं नस ल्यामुळे, त्यांचा उपयोग हलक्या फौजेसारखा करण्यांत येत असे.

 स्पार्टाची राज्यव्यवस्था इतर सर्व ग्रीक संस्थानांहून अगदी भिन्न होती. स्पार्टा येथें नेहमीं दोन राजे राज्यावर असत. दोघांचेही अधिकार सारखे होते. ह्या दोहोंपैकी कोणीही मरण पावला, तर त्याच्या जागी त्याचा मुलगा किंवा दुसरा नजीकचा हकदार असेल त्यास राज्यपद मिळे. ह्या दोन राजांविषयीं एक दंतकथा अशी आहे, कीं स्पाटा देश जिंकून तेथील राज्य स्थापन करणारा हर्क्युलीस म्हणून मूळपुरुष झाला, त्याचा मुलगा अरिस्टोडिमस ( Aristodemus ) ह्या शूर पुरुषानें कांहीं वर्षे राज्य केल्यावर मरण समयीं त्यानें आपलें राज्य यूरिस्थेनिस (Euresthenes) व प्रॉक्लीस (Procles) ह्या दोन मुलांस दिलें, व दोघेही एकाच वेळीं राज्य करूं लागले, त्या वेळेपासून स्पार्टा येथें दोन राजे असावे असा प्रघात पडला. ही गोष्ट केवळ काल्पनिक दिसते. तरी पण दोन राजांची उत्पत्ति अशाच कांहीं तरी कारणानें किंवा जुळ्या बंधूंमुळे झाली असावी. कदाचित् दोन सरदारांनी प्रथम है राज्य जिंकल्यामुळे दोघांनीही त्यांचा कारभार करावा असा ठराव झाला असेल.

 इ. स. पूर्वीच्या नवव्या शतकापावेतों स्पार्टाचा इतिहास विशेष उपलब्ध नाहीं. नवव्या शतकाच्या सुमारास लायकरगस नांवाचा एक पुरुष स्पार्टा येथे झाला, त्यानें तेथें नवीन कायदे तयार केले. पुतण्या चरिलॉस ( Charilaus ) हा लहान वयाचा असल्या मुळे, त्याच्या नांवानें लायकरगस राज्यकारभार पाहत असे. त्यानें केलेल्या सर्व कायद्यांचें धोरण एकच होतें. जिंकलेल्या लोकांनी स्पार्टन लोकांविरुद्ध आपले डोकें कधीही वर काढू नये ; स्पार्टन लोकांनी नेहमीं युद्धास सिद्ध असावें ; त्यांची शरीरें कणखर व मजबूद व्हावीं, आणीबाणीच्या प्रसंगी न डगमगतां स्वराज्यसंरक्षणासाठी वाटेल तो स्वार्थत्याग त्यांनी करावा, व बायकांमुलांचाही पर्वा न करितां आपल्या लोकांचें राज्य राखावें ; असा लायकरगसच्या कायद्यांचा हेतु होता. लायकरगसच्या नियमांनीं स्पार्टन लोक शूर व धाडशी झाले, ही गोष्ट खरी, तरी पण त्यामुळे त्यांचा स्वभावदी क्रूर व निर्दय बनला. त्यांस गृहसौख्याचा तिटकारा उत्पन्न झाला, व कुटुंबास एकत्र करणारी सामाजिक बंधनें नाहींशी झाली.

 लायकरगसनें मुलांचीं संगोपनगृहें स्थापन केली. कोणताही स्पार्टन मुलगा सात वर्षांचा झाला कीं, सरकार तो आईबापांपासून काढून ह्या गृहांत आणी. या ठिकाणी त्याजकडून सर्व प्रकारचे व्यायाम करवून त्याचे अवयव मजबूत करीत. अशा प्रकारें लोकांस शूर, धीट, व तरतरीत बनवीत. त्यांच्या अंगावर एकच आंखूंड असें लहान वस्त्र असे. तें ते अंगाभोवती गुंडाळीत अवघड ठिकाणी अनवाणी फिरणें, पळणें, उड्या मारणें, झाडावर चढणें, इत्यादि गोष्टी त्या मुलांस शिकवीत, त्यांस अन्नही जाडेंभरडेंच देत. गवत गोळा करून त्यावर ते निजत ; व कधींकधीं आजूबाजूच्या शेतांतून चोरी करण्यासही त्यांस शिकवीत असत. वास्तविक हें शिक्षण चांगलें नव्हे ; पण शत्रूच्या मुलखांत आपला बचाव कसा करावा, हें लोकांस शिकविण्याचा शिक्षणाचा रोख होता. आपल्या राज्यकर्त्यांची आज्ञा पाळून त्यांस सन्मान देणें, फाजील भाषण न करणें, होईल तितक्या थोड्या शब्दांनीं आपला मनोदय बाहेर कळविणें, इत्यादि गोष्टींचा सुद्धां त्यांजकडून अभ्यास करविण्यांत येत असे. इंग्रजी भाषेत ‘ लॅकॉनिक : भाषण हा शब्द स्पार्टन लोकांच्या ह्या रीतीसूपान प्रचारांत आला आहे.

 अठरा वर्षांचें वय झालें, म्हणजे मुलगे आपल्या बापांबरोबर सार्वजनिक भोजनगृहांत जात. तेथें मेजांजवळ उभे राहून वडिलांस वाढण्याचें काम त्यांस करावें लागे. वीस वर्षांचें वय झालें म्हणजे, त्यांस फौजेंत दाखल करून सरहद्दीच्या रक्षणावर पाठवीत. तेथून दहा वर्षांनी परत आल्यावर त्यांस सरकारनोकरींत दाखल करीत, किंवा फौजेंत अंमलदारांच्या जागा देत. इतकें होईल तेव्हांच मग सार्वजनिक भोजनगृहांत पंक्तीस बसून जेवण्याची त्यांस परवानगी मिळे. लोकांनीं घरीं ऐषआराम करूं नये, म्हणून सरकारानें मुद्दाम असलीं भोजन गृहें काढिलीं होतीं. हा प्रघात पूर्वी क्रीट बेटांत होता, तेथून तो स्पार्टन लोकांनी उचलला. भोजनासाठी मोठे हॉल बांधलेले असते. तेथें जवसाचें पीठ, दारू, अंजीर व पनीर ( म्ह चीज्ञ ) वगैरे भोजनाचे जिन्नस प्रत्येक शेतकन्यास पाठवावे लागत. कांही लोक जेव्हां जनावरांचा बळी देत, तेव्हां त्या बळीचा कांहीं भाग ह्या भोजनगृहांत त्यांस पाठवावा लागे. सरकारानें जंगलें राखलेली असून, त्यांतील शिकार पकडून ह्या ठिकाणी आणीत. पुढे पुढें तर मीठमसाल्या साठी सुद्धां प्रत्येक असामीवर कांहीं थोडा आकार बसविण्यांत आला. कोणीही इसम, मग तो राजा असो कीं रंक असो, त्यास ह्या सार्वजनिक ग्रहांतच भोजनास यावें लागे ; व आपापल्या हिशाचा आकार देणें त्यास प्राप्त असे.

 भोजनाप्रमाणेंच शयनगृहेंही सरकारी असत. त्या ठिकाणीं सर्व स्पार्टन लोकांस निजण्यास जावें लागे. ह्याप्रमाणे वयाचीं साठ वर्षे झालीं, की लष्करी नोकरी संपली. मध्यंतरी युद्धप्रसंग नसून सत सांपडल्यास, त्या फुरसतत कवाइती व शिकार हे धंदे चालत. साठवर्षानंतरचें आयुष्य सरकारची इतर बैठी नोकरी करण्यांत, किंवा लहानांचा सांभाळ करण्यांत खर्च करावें, असा नियम होता. अगदीं वृद्धापकाळ आला, म्हणजे समवयस्क लोक एकत्र जमून गोष्टी करून आपला काळ घालवीत. अशा प्रकारची सार्वजनिक भेटीचीं रहें प्रत्येक ग्रीक शहरांत बांधलेलीं होतीं. स्पार्टामध्ये मात्र त्या गृहांचा उपयोग फक्त वृद्ध झालेल्या सैनिकांस करूं देत असत.    

 स्पार्टन लोकांच्या बायका व मुलींकरितां अशी सार्वजनिक व्यवस्था नव्हती ; त्या आपापल्या घरींच राहत, तरी पण त्यांचें शिक्षणही पुरुषांसारखेच कठोर असे. लहानपणी त्यांस तालमेंत व्यायाम करावा लागे. कोणत्याही प्रकारचें सौख्य किंवा आमत्यांस घेऊं देत नसत. पुरुषांप्रमाणेच बायकाही फक्त एक वस्त्र नेसून राहत.     स्पार्टन राजांच्या हातांत अधिकार फारच थोडा असे. साठ वर्षाच्या अढावीस बड्या गृहस्थांची एक सभा नेमलेली असन, तिच्या हातांत सर्व कारभार असे. ह्या सभेचें अध्यक्षस्थान राजांकडे असे व कधीं कधीं धर्माध्यक्ष व सेनापति ह्यांसही अध्यक्ष नेमीत असत.    

 स्पार्टा येथें व डोरियन लोकांच्या इतर सर्व शहरांत, ईफोर नांवाचे सरकारी तपासनीस असत. ते लोकांचें शिक्षण व वर्तन ह्यांवर देखरेख ठेवीत. युद्धप्रसंगी दोनही राजे वारंवार बाहेर जाऊं लागल्यामुळे, राज्याचा सर्व कारभार ह्या तपासनिसांच्याच हातांत गेला. वृद्धमंत्रिसभा व सामान्य लोक ह्यांजमध्ये शिष्टाई करण्याचा त्यांनीं आव घातल्यामुळे, त्यांच्या सर्व सूचना पास होत गेल्या, म्हणून त्यांची सत्ता वाढली. असें होतां होतां राज्यांत त्यांच्या शिवाय पान हालेनासें झालें.    

 इकडे स्पार्टीची सत्ताही हळूहळू फारच वाढली. शेजारच्या राजांस स्पार्टाचा मोठा धाक वाटू लागला. लॅकोनियाला लागूनच नैर्ऋत्येस मेसेनिया म्हणून एक प्रांत होता, त्यांतील लोकांस स्पार्टन लोकांनी जिंकून आपल्या अंमलाखाली आणिलें, मेसेनियन लोक तरी कांहीं कमी नव्हते. प्रसंग पडला कीं तेही स्पार्टन लोकां बरोबर दोन हात करीत असत. पुढे त्या दोघांमध्यें युद्धप्रसंग होऊन मेसेनियन लोक जिंकले गेले. हें युद्ध चालू असतां अनेक शहरें धुळीस मिळालीं ; देश उद्धस्त झाला आणि हजारों लोक तलवारीखाली कापले गेले. ह्याप्रमाणें चाळीस वर्षेपावेतों मेसेनियन लोक स्पार्टीच्या ताब्यांत राहिले. इ. स. पू. ६८५ ह्या वर्षी आरि स्टोमिनिस म्हणून मेसेनियाचा एक शूर देशभक्त स्वातंत्र्यासाठीं स्पार्टन लोकांशी लढण्यास पुढे आला. त्यानें सर्व मेसेनियन लोकांस धीर देऊन युद्धास सिद्ध केलें ; व अनेक पराक्रम करून स्पार्टन लोकांस पुष्कळ दमविलें. एके दिवशी रात्रीं तो एकटाच स्पार्टी शहरांत शिरला. शहरास तटबंदी नव्हती. तेथें मिनी देवीच्या देवळांत जाऊन तिच्या अंगास एक ढाल त्यानें खिळवून दिली ; व ' स्पार्टन लोकांपासून मिळविलेल्या लुटीपैकी ही ढाल मीं देवीस अर्पण केली आहे, असा लेख तेथें लिहून ठेविला.  सकाळी स्पार्टन लोकांनी ती ढाल पाहिली तेव्हां ते घाबरून गेले. त्यांस असे वाटलें कीं, देवी आपणांस सोडून मेसेनियन लोकांवर कृपादृष्टि करीत आहे.    

 ह्या युद्धांत घडलेल्या अनेक चित्तवेधक गोष्टी लोकांत सांगण्यांत येतात. एक गोष्ट अशी आहे कीं, टिर्टियस नांवाचा ॲटिका प्रांतांतला एक गृहस्थ होता. तो मूळचा पंतोजी असून शिवाय शूर प्रसंगांचीं कवनें करून लोकांस म्हणून दाखवीत असे, डेल्फाय येथील कौलावरून असे जाहीर झालें होतें कीं, स्पार्टन लोकांस एखादा आथेन्सचा योद्धा सामील झाल्याशिवाय जय मिळावयाचा नाहीं. ह्या कौलास अनुसरून स्पार्टन लोकांनीं आथेन्सकडे विनंती केली कीं, आपणांस एक उत्कृष्ट योद्धा पाठवून द्यावा. आर्कनच्या मनांत स्पार्टाला मदत करावी असे नव्हते. तथापि अपॉलो रुष्ट होईल ह्या भीतीनें आथेन्सच्या लोकांनी टिर्टियस यास स्पार्टा येथें पाठवून दिलें, टिर्टियस लंगडा असून त्यास युद्धकलेची माहिती नव्हती ; तेव्हां त्याच्या हातून विशेष कांहीं पराक्रम घडेल असें आथेन्सच्या लोकांस वाटलें नाहीं. कोणतीही कथा घेतली तरी डेल्फाय येथील अपलोचें भाकीत खरें ठरलेच पाहिजे, अशा आथेन्सच्या सर्व दंतकथा आहेत. त्याचप्रमाणे टिर्टियस ह्याच्या कवनांनीं व वीर्योत्पा दक गाण्यांनीं स्पार्टन फौजेस त्वेष येऊन, त्यांनी भेसेनियन लोकांस पुनरपि जिंकून टाकिलें.    

 टिर्टियस यास स्पार्टा येथें कसा मान मिळत असे तें कळत नाहीं. तथापि त्याचीं कवनें स्पार्टन लोकांस फार आवडत ; व प्रत्येक शिपाई रात्रीं भोजन झाल्यावर तीं मोठ्या भक्तीनें म्हणत असे. स्पार्टन व मेसेनियन लोकांचें हें युद्ध सतरा वर्षे चाललें, अखेरीस मेसेोनिया प्रांत स्पाटीच्या कवजांत आला. स्पाटीच्या ताब्यांतील आर्केडिया प्रांतांत कारी येथे डायाना देवीचा उत्सव दरसाल होत असे. त्या उत्सवांतून एकदां मेसोनियन लोकांनी कित्येक स्पार्टन मुली पळवून नेल्या. पण त्यांचा सरदार ॲरिस्टोमिनिस ह्यानें स्पार्टन लोकांपासून योग्य दंड घेऊन, त्या मुली त्यांच्या त्यांस परत दिल्या. अशा अनेक आख्यायिका ह्या युद्धांतल्या प्रचलित आहेत. अॅरिस्टोमिनिस ह्याचा शेवटीं उपाय हरला. तो मेसेनिया सोडून व्होड्स बेटांत जाऊन तेथेंच आमरण राहिला. मेसेनियन लोक त्यास फार पूज्य मानीत असत. त्याच्यावर अनेक कविता व आख्यानें केलेली असून, त्यांवरून व टिर्टियस ह्याच्या कवनांतून ह्या मेसेनियन युद्धाची हकीगत उपलब्ध झाली आहे.

 मेसेनिया जिंकल्यापासून स्पार्टा येथें अनेक घडामोडी झाल्या. अनेक स्पार्टन लोक युद्धांत मरण पावल्यामुळे, त्यांचे हक्क पुष्कळ लॅकोनियन लोकांस देण्यांत आले ; तसेंच युद्धांत मरण पावलेल्यां लोकांच्या विधवांशी लग्न करण्याची त्यांस परवानगी मिळाली. त्यामुळे कित्येक कुटुंबें कुलभ्रष्ट झालीं ; व ज्यांनी दुसऱ्या जातीच्या लोकांशीं लग्नें केलीं नाहींत, ते आपणास पवित्र समजूं लागले, आरंभ सर्व स्पार्टन लोक सारख्या दर्जाचे होते ; पण मेसेनियां जिंकल्यावर त्यांजमध्यें उच्चनीच भाव शिरला. ह्या वरील युद्धांत स्पार्टन लोकांस कॉरिंथची मदत होती. आथेन्सचें आरमार सोलन ह्यानें सुधारण्यापूर्वी, आरमाराच्या बाबतींत कॉरिंथचा पगडा सर्व ग्रीस देशावर होता. मेसेनियन युद्धाच्या वेळेस कॉरिंथच्या सरकारानें गलबतें बांधण्याच्या कामांत फारच सुधारणा केली. ते मोठमोठीं विस्तृत व उंच गलबतें बांधू लागले ; त्यांवर वल्ह्यांच्या तीन तीन रांगा असत. जुन्या गलबतांना फक्त एकच रांग असे. म्हणून ह्या नवीन गलबतांस ट्रायरीम, म्हणजे तीन रांगांची गलबतें, अरे नांव मिळालें. पुढें ज्यास्त रांगांची गलबतें बांधण्यांत आली त्यांसही चार रांगांची, पांच रांगांची, अर्शी नांवें पडत गेलीं.

प्रकरण पांचवे  - इ.स.पू  सहाव्या शतकांतील ग्रीक लोकांची रीतीभाती

  ह्या वेळी ग्रीक लोकांची सुधारणा विशेषशी झाली नव्हती. आथेन्स शहर विद्येचें माहेरघर, व कॉरिन्थ शिल्पादि कलांचें आदि स्थान शालें, तें ह्यापुढे पुष्कळ काळानें झालें, तथापि होमरच्या काळी ग्रीक लोकांची स्थिति होती, त्याहून ते ह्या वेळेस बरेच सुधारलेले होते. लोकांच्या रीतीभाती व एकंदर देशाचा नूर होम रच्या वेळेपासून पुष्कळ पालटला होता. त्यांची शहरें पुष्कळ सुरेख झाली. लोक विटांचीं व दगडांची घरे बांधू लागले, व छप रांवर कौलें घालूं लागले ; तसेंच आंत ऐसपैस जागा करून चांगलें सामानसुमान ठेवूं लागले, जमिनीस दगडाची फरशी करून, भिंतीस पांढरा रंग लावूं लागले ; तरी चित्रविचित्र रंग देऊन घरांस शोभा आणणें त्यास ह्या वेळीं ठाऊक नव्हतें. घरांतील खोल्यांचे दोन पृथक् भाग असतः एक पुरुषांसाठीं व दुसरा बायकांसाठी. त्या वेळी आपल्याइकडील रिवाजाप्रमाणें स्त्रिया पुरुषांपासून अलग राहत. स्त्रियांस विशेष सन्मान देण्याचा प्रघात नव्हता. नवरा आपल्या बायकोस सहचारिणी समजे, पण आपल्याहून तिची योग्यता तो कमी मानी. कुटुंबाची देखरेख एवढेंच स्त्रियांचें काम असे. म्हणून स्त्रियांस शिक्षण देऊन त्यांचे मन सुसंस्कृत करण्याची चाल नव्हती. त्या सर्वथैव अशिक्षितच असत.

 परपुरुषास भेटण्याची तरुण स्त्रियांना मनाई असे. फक्त बाप आणि भाऊ ह्यांस भेटण्यास हरकत नव्हती. तथापि मोठमोठ्या समारंभ प्रसंगी पुरुषांच्या मेळ्यांत बायका बाहेर येत असत. अशा मेळ्यांच्या प्रसंगी तरुण पुरुष आपल्या बायका पसंत करीत. मुलीच्या आई-बापास वर पसंत पडला तर त्याचा विवाह होत असे. त्यांत मुलीची पसंती मात्र कोणी विचारीत नसे. स्पार्टा प्रांतांत स्त्रियांस ज्यास्त मोकळीक होती. तेथें तरुण मुलींना पडदा नसन स्वतंत्रपणें फिर ण्याची मुभा असे, व त्या सार्वजनिक खेळांत उघडपणे बाहेर येत. तथापि स्पार्टीत सुद्धां विवाहित स्त्रियांना बाहेर पडण्याची मोकळीक नव्हती ; अविवाहित मात्र बाहेर पडत.

 आथेन्सच्या लोकांस इतर संस्थानांतील स्त्रियांशी लग्न करण्याची मनाई होती. लग्नें एकाच कुटुंबांत जुळविण्यांत येत ; कारण एका कुटुंबांतील मुलीनें परक्या कुटुंबांतील पुरुषाशी लग्न केल्यास, तिळा स्वतःच्या हक्कानें प्राप्त झालेली मिळकत नवन्याचे कुटुंबांत जाण्याचा संभव होता. अशा प्रकारें एका कुटुंबाची मिळकत दुसन्या कुटुं वांत जाऊं नये, म्हणून मुलीला जवळच्या नातेवाइकाशीं लग्न लावर्णे भाग पडे ; मात्र तो इसम तिच्याशी लग्न लावण्यास खुषी नसेल तर, तिच्याशी लग्न लावण्याचा हक्क दुसऱ्या नजीकच्या पुरुषास प्राप्त होई. हा कायदा इतका कडक असे कीं, एखाद्या स्त्रीचें एकवार लग्न झाल्यावरही, जर जवळचा नातेवाईक तिच्याशी लग्न करण्याचा हक्क सांगू लागला, तर पहिल्या नयन्यास ती आपली बायको व तिची संपत्ति खन्या हक्कदारास द्यावी लागे.

 कुटुंबांतील संपत्ति सर्व मुलांस सारखी विभागून मिळे ; मात्र त्यांत बहिणी असल्यास, त्यांचा लग्नखर्च करणे व त्यांचें लग्न जवळच्या नातेवाइकांशीं जुळवून देणें, ह्या गोष्टी त्या भावांस कराव्या लागत. एखादी मुलगी लहानपणापासून पोरकी असून तिला भाऊ नसले व तिजपाशीं द्रव्य नसले तर, तिचा जो कोणी जवळचा नातेवाईक असे, त्यानें स्वतः तिच्याशी लग्न लावावें, अगर तिचा हुंडा भरून तिला नवरा पाहून द्यावा, असा कायदा होता. ही हुंडा देण्याची चाल लायकरगस ह्यानें स्पार्टातून अजीबात काढून टाकिली. त्यामुळे मुलगी कितीही गरीब असली, तरी तिचें लग्न होण्याची अडचण पडत नसे, ग्रीक लोकांत विवाहविधि असा होता कीं, वधूवरांचे नाते वाईक एकत्र जमवून, त्या ठिकाणी चधूवरांच्या देखत लग्नाचा ठराव होई, त्यांतच हुंडा व मुहूर्त ह्यांचा निश्चय होत असे. लग्नाच्या दिवशी सकाळीं होमहवन व धर्मविधि होऊन, संध्याकाळीं वराची स्वारी वधूच्या घरीं तिला घेण्याकरितां येई. नंतर वरात निघे. त्यांत वधूस सुंदर शालू नेसवीत. चित्रविचित्र रंगांचा सुंदर पोषाख असे. वराच्या अंगावरही उभयतांच्या मस्तकांवर शोभिवंत पुष्पमालांचे मुगुट असत. वधूस एका सुंदर रथांत बसवून, तिच्या एका बाजूस वर, व दुसऱ्या बाजूस वधूचे नातेवाईक बसत. वरातीच्या पुढें सुस्वर तालांत वाद्ये वाजवून देवतांचीं स्तोत्रें म्हणत. गृहप्रवेशाचें द्वार लतापल्लवांच्या गुच्छांनीं शंगारलेले असून, तेथें वधूवरांचा प्रवेश होतांच त्यांजपुढें जमिनीवर मिठाई टाकीत. तदनंतर भेजवानी होऊन समारंभ पुरा होई. दुसऱ्या दिवशी स्नेही मंडळीकडून नजरनजराण येत, व कुटुंबाच्या नांवनिशींत वधूचें नांव लिहिण्यांत येई.

 मुलाचा जन्म झाल्यावरही तत्प्रीत्यर्थ त्याचे आईबाप एक माठा समारंभ करीत, व आपल्याकडील बाळंतविड्यांप्रमाणे कुटुंबाच्या हितचिंतकांकडून मुलास भेटी येत. मुलगा झालेला असला तर घराला ऑलिव्ह नामक वृक्षांच्या शाखांनीं शृंगार करीत, व मुलगी झाली असली तर तो शंगार लोकरीचा करीत. संध्याकाळी एक मेजवानी होई. त्या प्रसंग होमशाळेत अग्नीची पूजा करून, जन्म लेल्या मुलास हातांत घेऊन दाई त्या अग्नीस प्रदक्षिणा घाली ; व त्याच वेळी मुलाचें नांव ठेवीत. हें मूल ह्या कुटुंबांतून देवास अर्पण करण्यांत येत आहे, असा ह्या विधीचा अर्थ होता. हा विधि यथासांग झाला ह्याची साक्ष ठेवण्याकरितां, जमलेले सर्व गृहस्थ त्या होमास प्रदक्षिणा घालीत. मुलाचें फक्त एकच नांव ठेवण्यांत येई. ख्रिस्ती लोकांत अनेक नांवें ठेवण्याची चाल आहे, ती ग्रीक लोकांत नव्हती. तें नांव बाप आपल्या पसंतीनें ठेवी ; व पुढे कधीं तें फिरवून दुसरें नांव ठेवावेंसें वाटल्यास बापास तसें करतां येत असे.

 ग्रीक लोक प्रेतें पुरीत असत. प्रेतसंस्काराचा विधि महत्वाचा असे. मनुष्य मेल्यावर तिसन्या दिवशीं सूर्योदयाचे अगोदर हा विधि करीत. उघड्या तिरडीवर प्रेत शुभ्र वस्त्रानें गुंडाळून तें स्मशानांत नेत. प्रेताच्या मस्तकावर फुलांचे गुच्छ घातलेले असत. पुरुष असत ते प्रेताच्या पुढें चालत व बायका मागें चालत ; शिवाय वाजंत्रीं वाजवून शोकदर्शक भजन म्हणण्याकरितां मुद्दाम बोलवून आणलेले पुष्कळ लोक स्मशानयात्रेबरोबर असत. कधीं कधीं ग्रीक लोक प्रेतें चितेवर जाळीत ; व त्यांची रक्षा एका भांड्यांत भरून त्यावर थडगीं बांधीत. तसेंच प्रेतें पुरतांना तीं ते एका मातीच्या पेटींत घालून त्यांचें तोंड पूर्वेकडे करून पुरीत. थडग बहुधा शह राच्या वेशीजवळ रस्त्याचे बाजूस असत, सुतकाचा पोषात्र काळा असून तें एक महिनाभर पाळीत त्या महिन्यांत कुटुंबांतील माणसें एकांतांत राहत ; बाहेर समाजांत येत नसत.

 ह्या वेळचा ग्रीक लोकांचा पोषाख पहिल्यासारखाच होता ; त्यांत विशेष फरक झाला नव्हता. अथेन्स व दुसऱ्या कित्येक शहरांतील उंच प्रतीचे लोक बाह्यांचा लांब अंगरखा अंगांत घालून त्यावर धोतर लपेटून घेत. पण सर्वसामान्य पोषाख म्हणजे आंखूड बिन हाताचें जाकिट असे ; त्यास चिटन असें नांव आहे. पुरुषांचें मुख्य वस्त्र धोतर असे. बायका शालू नेसत, ते पुरुषांच्याहून मोठे लांबलचक व बारीक असत. त्यांवर कधीं कधीं कशीद्याचें किंवा जरीचें काम केलेलें असे. तसेंच बायकांचीं जाकिटें सुंदर पातळ वस्त्राचीं असून, त्यास कोंपरापर्यंत बाह्या असत ; म्हणजे त्या एक प्रकारच्या आपल्याकडील चोळ्याच होत असें म्हणण्यास हरकत नाहीं.

 वस्त्रे विणण्याची कला ग्रीक लोकांस पूर्वीपासून येत होती. प्रत्येक कुटुंबांत माग असे ; त्यावर कुटुंबास पुरे इतकें कापड ते गुलामां कडून विणवून घे. तसेंच सुटी लोकर सारखी दाबून बुरणुसा सारखें कापड करणें त्यांस ठाऊक होतें. अशा प्रकारच्या दाबीव लोकरीच्या बुरणुसाच्या टोप्या प्रवासी लोक, गुराखी, व शेतकरी वापरीत असत.

 ग्रीक लोक आपल्या जमिनी वर्षांतून तीन वेळ नांगरीत. त्यांचे नांगर अनेक तऱ्हेचे पण साधे असत, शेतावरच एक उंचवट्यावर खळी करून त्यांत ते सर्व धान्य मळीत धान्य मळण्याचें काम केव्हां केव्हां यंत्रानें करीत, व केव्हां केव्हां गुरांच्या पायांखाली मळीत. धान्य दळणें तें दगडी उखळांत कुटून बारीक करीत, किंवा दगडी जांतींही त्यांजपाशीं असत. ह्या जांत्यांवर दळण्याचें काम स्त्रीजातीच्या गुलामांकडून करवीत.

 अँटिका प्रांताची जमीन गव्हाच्या पिकास योग्य नव्हती. व्यापार मुख्यतः धान्यांचा चाले, व त्यापासन सरकारसायाची बरीच प्राप्ति होई. धान्यसंबंधी कायदे मोठे कडक असत. धान्यविक्रीचे दर सरकार ठरवी. त्या दरांहून महाग दरानें धान्य विकून ज्यास्त फायदा व्यापाऱ्यांनी केल्यास, त्यांस मरणाची शिक्षा होत असे. अँटिका प्रांतांत जेवढें धान्य उत्पन्न होई, तेवढे सर्व आथेन्स येथेंच आणून विकावें लागे ; व परदेशाहून आणलेल्या धान्यापैकी निदान दोन - तृतीयां शाची विक्री आथेन्स येथेंच करावी, असा कायदा होता. अॅटिकांतले उत्पन्नाचे मुख्य जिन्नस तेल आणि दारू हे असत. द्राक्षांचे मळे व ऑलिव्ह नांवाच्या तेलफळाचीं शेतें ह्यांनी सर्व प्रांत भरलेला असे. बागाईत त्वांस ठाऊक नव्हतें ; तसेंच सुंदर बागा करण्याची त्यांस माहिती नव्हती. मात्र सार्वजनिक उत्सवप्रसंग पुष्प माळा करण्यासाठी गुलाब, कमळे व इतर सुवासिक फुलझाडें ते लावीत असत.

 अॅपॅटयूरिया नांवाचा एक उत्सव दरसाल आथेन्स येथे होत असे. वर्षांत जन्मलेल्या सर्व मुलांस नागरिकत्वाचे हक्क देण्यासाठीं हा उत्सव करीत. तो तीन दिवस चाले. पहिल्या दिवशीं सर्व लोक एकत्र जमून सायंकाळीं ग्रामभोजन घालीत. दुसऱ्या दिवशीं मंदिरांत जाऊन बळी वगैरे देत. तिसन्या दिवशीं सर्व भाईबंद ( गोत्रज ) एकत्र जमत. तेथें बाप आपले नवीन मूल हातांत घेऊन आपल्या गोत्रजांपुढे आणी ; व ' ह्यास नागरिकाचे स्वातंत्र्य देण्यास हरकत आहे काय ? असा प्रश्न विचारी, त्यावर कोणी हरकत घेतली नाही तर त्या मुलाचें नांव नागरिकांच्या पटांत दाखल करीत. तसेंच कुळदेवतेस बकरा किंवा मेंढा बळी देत. अशा प्रकारें हा उत्सव तीन दिवस मोठ्या थाटानें चाले ; त्यांत मुलांकडून सुस्वर पदें म्हणवीत ; व ज्यांचें गायन उत्तम ठरे, त्यांस बक्षिसे देत. आथेन्सचा नगरवासी होण्यांत ग्रीक लोकांस केवढे भूषण वाटे हैं ह्या उत्सवावरून व्यक्त होतें.        

 झांशिवाय ग्रीक लोकांचे धार्मिक महोत्सवही अनेक होते. त्यांत सर्व राष्ट्राचे असे चार मुख्य उत्सव असून, त्या सर्वांत, ऑलिं पिया येथील कसरतीचे खेळ, हा अत्यंत महत्त्वाचा होता. हा उत्सव चार वर्षातून एकवार एलिसच्या मैदानांत ऑलिंपिया येथें जुपिट रच्या प्रीत्यर्थ होत असे. ह्या महोत्सवावरूनच चार वर्षांची काल गणना ग्रीक लोकांत सुरू झाली ; तीस ' ऑलिंपियाड ' असें नांव आहे. एलिसचा राजा व स्पार्टाचा कायदेपंडित लायकरगस ह्या दोघांनीं इ.स.पू. ७७६ ह्या वर्षी, मध्यंतरी बरेच दिवस बंद पडलेले हे ऑलिंपियाचे खेळ पुनरपि सुरू केले, त्या वेळेपासून ही वर्षगणना सुरू झाली. ह्यावरून पहिला ऑलिंपियाड इ.स.पू. ७७६ च्या ग्रीष्मऋतूपासून ७७२ च्या ग्रीष्मऋतूपर्यंत समजला जातो.

 ऑलिंपियाचा व इतर महोत्सव राष्ट्रदृष्ट्या ग्रीक लोकांस फार महत्त्वाचे वाटत. ह्या उत्सवासाठी निरनिराळ्या संस्थानांतील लोक एकत्र जमत, त्यायोगे त्यांमध्यें एक प्रकारचा ऐक्यभाव कायम राहत असे. युद्ध चालू असले तरी, ह्या उत्सवाच्या वेळेस तें तह कुंब राहत असे ; व उत्सवांची जागा पवित्र समजल्यामुळे तेथें युद्धसंपर्क पोंचत नसे. उत्सव संपल्याशिवाय युद्धासाठी उत्स वाच्या प्रांतांत शिरण्याची उभय पक्षांस मनाई असे.

 ग्रीस देशांतील निरनिराळ्या संस्थानांतून ह्या उत्सवांस प्रतिनिधि पाठविण्यांत येत असत. ते प्रतिनिधि अशा प्रसंगी मोठी चढाओढ करून विशेष थाट करीत, व मौल्यवान नजराणे आणीत. ऑलिंपिया येथील मुख्य मंदीर एटिस नांवाच्या पवित्र राईत होतें. उत्सवास आलेला प्रत्येक इसम तेथील देवापुढें आपापली भेट आणून ठेवी, व पुजाभ्यांस दक्षणा देई. एक पुजारी देवद्वारीं उभा राहून दर्श नास आलेल्या प्रत्येक यात्रेकरूवर लॉरेलच्या पानांनीं अभिषिंचन करी.  ऑलिंपियाच्या खेळांत प्रथम फक्त पायीं धांवण्याच्या शर्यती होत ; पुढें पुढें कुस्त्या, उड्या मारणें, कडीचे खेळ, वज्रमुष्टी ( फेंकून भारण्याचा भाला ) फेंकणें, रथांच्या व गाड्यांच्या शर्यती, इत्यादि खेळ सुरू झाले. इराणी लोकांनीं ग्रीस देशावर प्रथम स्वारी केली, त्यापूर्वी हा उत्सव एकच दिवस चाले ; त्या स्वारी नंतर तो पांच दिवसांचा झाला. ऑलिंपियाचे खेळांत मोठमोठ्या दर्जाचे लोक सामील होत. जय मिळविण्याविषयीं मोठी स्पर्धा चाले, व विजय संपादणारास नाना तऱ्हेचे बहुमान मिळत. देवाच्या पवित्र राईतील ऑलिव्ह झाडाची फांदी तोडून तिचा तुरा शिरोभूषण म्हणून त्यास देण्यांत येई ; आणि ज्याप्रमाणें राजा च्या नांवाचा जयघोष करीत चोपदार ललकारतात, त्याप्रमाणें विजय संपादणान्याचा जयघोष करीत. एखाद्या मोठ्या बादशहा प्रमाणे त्याची स्वारी काढून त्यास आपल्या नगरास पोंचवीत.

 ऑलिंपियाप्रमाणेच पायथियन खेळही प्रसिद्ध होते. ते डेल्फाय येथें दर तीन वर्षांनीं होत, व त्यांचा रचना बहुतेक ऑलिंपिया प्रमाणेच असे. मात्र पुढे पुढे ह्या उत्सवांत गायनकलेचीही परीक्षा घेऊन बक्षिसे देण्याचा प्रघात पडला.

 ह्यांशिवाय नीमियन नांवाचा राष्ट्रीय उत्सव दर ऑलिंपियाडच्या दुसऱ्या व चवथ्या वर्षी, आणि इस्थमियन नांवाचा उत्सव ऑलिं पियाच्या पहिल्या व तिसऱ्या वर्षी होत असे. नीमियन उत्सव पिलॉप निशन संस्थान आगॅस यांतील नीमिया शहरीं व इस्थमि यन उत्सव कॉरिन्थ येथें होई. ह्या ठिकाणच्या खेळांत अनेक मेळे जमून त्यांची गाणी होत असल्यामुळे, मोठी गंमत उडे ; आणि मेजवान्या, बळी, स्वान्या व मेळे इत्यादि सर्व सामाजिक प्रकारानीं त्यांस मोठें महत्त्व आलेलें होतें. सर्व प्रकारच्या उत्सवांत मोठ मोठ्या जत्रा भरत, त्यांत नाना प्रकारचे जिन्नस विक्रीसाठी मांडलेले असून, शिवाय सर्व लोकांच्या करमणुकीचेही अनेक प्रकार चालत.उदाहरणार्थ, एक बकण्याचे कातडे पसरून त्यावर तेल ओतून तें सुळसुळीत करीत, व त्याजवर न पडतां जो नाच करून दाखवील त्यास ते कातडें बक्षीस मिळत असे.

 ह्यांशिवाय लहान लहान उत्सव अनेक होते. डायोनिशिया नांवाचा एक उत्सव सर्व खेडेगांवांतून वर्षातून चार वेळां होत असे. तो बॅकस म्हणजे काम- देवाच्या सन्मानार्थ होता. ह्या उत्सवांत मद्यपान व दंगा अतोनात चालू झाला, अशा प्रकारच्या तमाशांत अनेक गांवढळ लोक नानाप्रकारचीं सोंगें घेऊन नाचत कांहीं लोक वनदेवांचीं सोंगें घेत, व कांहीं स्त्रियांची सोंगें घेऊन वनदेवता होत. ह्या डायोनिशिया उत्सवाची उत्पत्ति मद्य तयार करण्याच्या कामा मुळे झाली ; व तो धान्य कापण्याच्या दिवसांत होत असून, त्यांत गुलाम व सर्व लोक सामील होत असत, हा आपल्याकडील शिमग्यासारखाच असे.

 ग्रीक लोकांत अनेक गुप्त मंत्र व पूजाविधि चालू असत. " असले प्रकार रात्रीच्या वेळीं एकांत जागेत करण्यांत येत. त्यांत थोड्याच लोकांचा प्रवेश असे ; व त्यांस सर्व प्रकार गुप्त ठेवण्याची शपथ घ्यावी लागे. अशा प्रकारचे विशेष प्रसिद्धीस आलेले प्रकार म्हटले म्हणजे, ॲटिकांतील इल्युसिस शहरचे होत. डोरियन लोकांचा प्रवेश ग्रीस देशांत झाला, तेव्हांपासून हे गुप्त पूजेचे प्रकार सुरू झाले असें म्हणतात. त्या लोकांत प्राचीन काळी जे धर्मप्रचार होते, ते पुढें सतत चालू ठेवण्याच्या उद्देशानें है गुप्त प्रकार सुरू झाले. पुढे पुढे त्यांच्या देवता ठरल्या, व त्या देवतांची पूजा ह्या गुप्त विधीनें होऊं लागली. परंतु ज्यांचा त्या अंतर्मंडळांत प्रवेश असे, तेवढ्यांसच त्यांतील इंगित कळे. त्यांतील एकंदर प्रकार इतका गुप्त ठेवण्यांत येत असे कीं, त्यांचा खरा उद्देश न खग विधि ह्यांविषयीं कांहींच माहिती उपलब्ध नाहीं.  

प्रकरण साहावें  - सोलनपासून  इराणी युद्धापर्यंत

(इ.स.पू.  साहावें शतक)

   सोलननें राज्यकारभार सोडल्यावर तीन गृहस्थ त्याकरितां भांडूं लागले. त्या भांडणांत पिझिस्ट्रेटस ह्यास जय मिळून तो कारभार पाहू लागला. हा पूर्वी सोलनचा दोस्त असून अत्यंत लोक प्रिय होता. त्यानें आथेन्स शहराची पुष्कळ सुधारणा केली ; व नाना तऱ्हेच्या भव्य व सुंदर इमारती बांधून शहरास शोभा आणिली. ह्या इमारतींत अपॉलोचें देऊळ व लायसियम नांवाची कसरतशाळा ह्या दोन विशेष प्रसिद्ध होत्या. ग्रीक लोकांत कसर तीचें माहात्म्य विशेष असून, तिचें शिक्षण सर्वांस देण्यांत येत असे. लायसियम शाळेचे अनेक मोठमोठे भाग होते. सभोंवार झाडी व बागा होत्या. त्या ठिकाणीं आथेन्सचीं मुलें कसरतीचे खेळ व व्यायाम करण्याकरितां येत. पुढें कांहीं शतकांनीं लायसियमच्या इमारतींत विद्वान तत्त्ववेत्ते व कवि वगैरे राहूं लागल्यामुळे, तें विद्यापीठ बनलें.

 आथेन्स येथें पिझिस्ट्रेटसनें नवीन सुधारणा केल्या, त्यांकरितां त्यास लोकांवर कर बसवावा लागला. हा कर जमिनींतील उत्पन्नाच्या एकदशांश असून, त्यामुळे लोकांत पुष्कळ असंतोष उत्पन्न झाला. उदाहरणार्थ, एकदां पिझिस्ट्रेटस खेडेगांवांतून फिरत असतां, एक शेतकरी कांहीं नापीक जमिनीत काम करतांना त्यास दिसला. त्याजला आपल्या नोकराकरवीं पिशिस्ट्रेटसनें विचारिलें, " ह्या जमिनीचें उत्पन्न काय आहे ? ' त्यावर शेतकरी रागावून बोलला, ८उत्पन्न होय ? श्रम व त्रास ; झालें ; मग मला काय पर्वा ? पिलिस्ट्रेटसनें त्यास कर माफ केला. पिलिस्ट्रेटसचा कर मिळाला म्हणजे त्यांचें हें चोख उत्तर ऐकून पिझिस्ट्रेटसनें त्यास कर माफ केला.    

 ग्रीक इतिहासांत पिझिस्टेटस ह्यास आथेन्सचा ' टायरंट ' म्हणतात.. टायरंट शब्दाचा अर्थ हल्लीं ' क्रूर व जुलमी राज्यकर्ता ' असा आहे. तो त्यावेळीं नव्हता. ग्रीक भाषेत टायरंट ' म्हणजे स्वतःच्या हुशारीनें सर्व राज्यसत्ता संपादन करून स्वत : च्याच इच्छेनें राज्य कारभार हांकणारा गृहस्थ ' असा होता. म्हणजे ग्रीक लोकांचा टायरंट सज्जन व परोपकारी असू शके ; व पिझिस्ट्रेटस तशा प्रकारचा होता है इतिहासावरून व्यक्त होत आहे. पिझिस्ट्रेटसनें असा एक कायदा केला कीं, युद्धांत पंगू झालेल्या सर्व लोकांस सरकारानें पोसावें. पिझिस्ट्रेटसनें विद्येच्या प्रसारार्थ पुष्कळ यत्न केले. ग्रीस देशांतील पहिले वाचनालय त्यानेंच स्थापिलें. होमर आशिया खंडाच्या पश्चिम किनाऱ्यावर निपजला, त्याचीं कवनें त्या ठिकाणीं प्रचलित होतीं ; तीं ग्रीक लोक तेथें वसाहत करण्यास आले, त्यांनी आपल्या बरोबर स्वदेशीं परत आणिली. ती सर्व एकत्र करून लिहून ठेव ण्याचें काम पिझिस्ट्रेटस ह्यानें केलें. ग्रीक लोकांनों आशियाच्या किना - यावर जाऊन निरनिराळ्या वेळीं वसाहती केल्या, हा प्रकार मागे आलाच आहे. आशियांतील ह्या वसाहतींस आयोनिया अशी संज्ञा होती. आयोनियांत तेरा ग्रीक नगरसंस्थांनांचा समावेश होता. त्याचप्रमाणे इटलीच्या दक्षिण किना - यावर व सिसिली बेटाच्या किनाऱ्यावर ग्रीक लोकांनीं वसाहती केल्या होत्या. तथापि हे सर्व लोक आरंभी ग्रीस देशांतून बाहेर गेले. ग्रीक लोकांनी इजिप्त देशांतही आपल्या वसाहती केल्या होत्या.

 चित्रकला व मातीचे पुतळे करण्याची कला प्रथम कॉरिन्थच्या लोकांनी विशेष प्रसिद्धीस आणिली असें म्हणणात. पण कॉरिन्थ बरोबरच आगॅस, ईजीना, व्होड्स आणि क्रीट ह्या ग्रीक संस्था नांत वरील कलांची अभिवृद्धि झालेली होती ह्यांत संशय नाहीं.

 पिझिस्ट्रेटस कारभार करीत असतां, डेल्फायचें मंदीर जहून गेलें. तें पुनरपि बांधण्यासाठीं डेल्फायच्या लोकांनी वर्गण्या गोळा करण्यास सर्व ग्रीक संस्थानांत आपले वकील पाठविले ; व स्वतः एकचतुर्थीश खर्च सोसण्याचें कबूल केलें. सर्व संस्थानांतून पुष्कळ वर्गणी जमा झाली. इजिप्टचा राजा अमासिस ह्यानें सुद्धां बर्गणी पाठविली. अशा रीतीनें डेल्फायचें मंदीर पहिलें साध्या दगडाचें होतें, तें आतां आरसपानी दगडाचें झालें. ह्या मंदिरास तीनशें टॅलॅट म्ह ० पंधरा लाख रुपये खर्च झाला पिझिस्ट्रेटस इ.स.पू. ५२७ वे वर्षी मरण पावला.    

 तदनंतर पिझिस्टेटसचे दोन मुलगे हिपियास आणि हिपार्कस ( Hippias and Hipparchus ) हे कारभार पाहूं लागले. ह्या दोघां भावांनी बापाचाच कित्ता वळवून लोकोपयोगी कामें केलीं व विद्याकलांस उत्तेजन दिलें. अनाक्रिऑन ( Anacreon ) व साथ मोनाइड्स ( Simonides ) ह्या कवींस त्यांनीं आथेन्स येथें मुद्दाम आणून ठेविलें. दोन वर्षे कारभार केल्यानंतर ह्या दोघां बंधूंस ठार मारण्याचा एक गुप्त बेत आरिस्टोजिटन ( Aristogiton ) आणि हार्मोडियस ह्या दोघांनी केला. तो सिद्धीस गेला तर राज्यकारभार स्वतःचे हातीं घेण्याचा त्यांचा विचार होता. आथेन्स येथें मिनव्ही देवीच्या सन्मानार्थ पॅनाथिनी ( Panathene ) नांवाचा उत्सव होत असे, त्याप्रसंगी सर्व लोक भाले व ढाला घेऊन मेळ्यांत येत. त्या उत्सवांत हा वरील बेत उरकून घ्यावयाचा होता. त्यांत हिपार्कस ठार झाला, पण हिपियस वांचला ; आणि त्यानें मुख्य मुख्य कटवाल्यांस पकडून ठार मारिलें. ह्यापुढे त्यानें चार वर्षे कारभार केला, तो लोकांस नापसंत होऊन त्यांनी त्यास अधिकारावरून काढिले आणि सर्व कुटुंबासह हद्दपार केलें.

 तदनंतर क्लाइस्थेनिस ( Cleisthenes ) हा राज्यकारभार पाहू लागला. त्यानें पुष्कळ सुधारणा केल्या, त्यांत विशेषतः बड्या लोकांचें वजन मोडून मध्यम व कनिष्ठ वर्गीच्या लोकांस वर आणण्याचा त्याचा रोंख होता. प्राचीन काळचे लोकांचे चार वर्ग होते, ते त्यानें मोडून दहा नवीन वर्ग बांधिले. ह्या दहांपैकीं प्रत्येकाचे आणखी दहा दहा पोटविभाग करून त्यांस डेमीस अशी संज्ञा दिली. डेमींत नगर किंवा खेडें यांचा समावेश होत असे. प्रत्येक डेमीवर डेमार्क ( Demarch ) नांवाचा एक अंमलदार त्यानें नेमिला. सर्व डेमीची सभा भरवून सार्वजनिक प्रश्नांचा निकाल करणें, आपापल्या हद्दीत बंदोबस्त ठेवणें व सर्वांनी आपल्या जमिनीचा सारा वेळच्या वेळी भरला कीं नाहीं हैं समजण्याकरितां खातेदारांची नोंद ठेवणें, ह्रीं कामें डेमार्कचीं होतीं.

 सर्व प्रकारच्या करांचा इजारा किंवा मक्ता एका इसमास देण्याची आथेन्स येथें वहिवाट होती. एक इसम किंवा अनेक इसमांचें एक मंडळ मक्तेदार ठरवून, त्यांजपासून ठरीव रकम घेऊन कराचा वसूल करण्याचा संपूर्ण मक्ता त्यांस देण्यांत येत असे. रस्त्यांची दस्तुरी, मालावरील जकात वगैरे झाडून साया उत्पन्नाच्या बाबी मक्त्याने देत असत. जमीनमहसुलाचा मात्र मक्ता नव्हता. वरच्या शिवाय सर्व प्रकारच्या आयात व निर्गत मालावर शेंकडा दोन टक्के जकात होती ; व गुलामांवर एक कर होता. परस्थांस आथेन्स येथे येऊन राहवयाचें असल्यास त्याबद्दल त्यांस कर द्यावा लागे ; तसेंच सार्वजनिक बाजारांत मालाची विक्री करण्याबद्दलही कर होता.

 नगरवासी म्हणून ग्रीक लोकांचे हक्क होते, त्यांत क्लाइस्थेनिसनें पुष्कळ बदल केला. सर्व स्वतंत्र लोक, बरेचसे परदेशी, व वरचढ दर्जाचे गुलाम, ह्या सर्वस त्यानें नगरवाशांचे हक्क दिले. राज्य कारभार हांकणारी सेनेट सभा होती, तींत, प्रत्येक जातीचे पन्नास ह्याप्रमाणे नवीन केलेल्या दहा जातींचे मिळून पांचशे सभासद असावे, अशी व्यवस्था केली. या पांचरों असामींपैकी प्रत्येक पन्नासांनी छत्तीस दिवस काम करावें ; व त्यानंतर दुसन्या पन्ना सांनीं, ह्या प्रमाणें वर्षभर कारभार चालावयाचा होता. ग्रीक लोकांचें वर्ष चांद्रमानाचें म्हणजे ३५४ दिवसांचं होतें, त्यास अनुसरून वर्षाचे दहा भाग करून हे दिवस ठरविलेले होते.

 ह्या पन्नास सभासदांस प्रायटेन्स अशी संज्ञा होती. खजिन्याची व्यवस्था व परराष्ट्रीय वकिलांशी वाटाघाट करून तह वगैरे ठरविणे, ह्रीं ह्या प्रायटेन्सचीं मुख्य कामें होतीं. पण युद्ध सुरू करणें व चाललेलें युद्ध बंद करणे, असली महत्त्वाची कामे प्रायटेन्स हे राष्ट्रीयसभेकडे पाठवीत असत. राष्ट्रीय सभेतील गरीब सभासदांस पगार देण्याचा सोलननेंच कायदा केला होता.

 जुलमी व दुष्ट लोकांस हद्दपार करण्याचा एक चमत्कारिक प्रकार ह्या वेळीं चालू झाला. कोणीही इसम स्वराष्ट्रद्रोही आहे असा वहीम आल्यावर त्याचा तपास न करितां किंवा त्यास गुन्ह्याची वर्दी न देतां, ह्या कायद्यानें त्यास इद्दपार करणे सुलभ पडत असे. त्यासाठी राष्ट्रीय सभेचें आवार कठंडा घालून बंद करीत. ह्या कठड्यास दहा जातींच्या लोकांस आंत येण्याकरितां दहा दारें ठेवीत. त्यांतून सर्व जातींचे लोक आंत गेले, म्हणजे प्रत्येकानें ज्यास हद्दपार करावयाचे असेल, त्याचें नांव एका शिंपीवर लिहून, ती शिंप एका मोठ्या भांड्यांत टाकावयाची, असा निर्बंध होता. संध्याकाळी सर्व लोकांच्या शिंपा जमा झाल्या, म्हणजे त्या मोजीत, व त्यांची संख्या सहा हजार भरली तर त्या इसमास दहा वर्षे पावेतों हद्दपार करण्यांत येत असे. हा प्रकार क्लाइस्थेनिसनेंच प्रथम सुरू केला असे म्हणतात. ह्या शिक्षेची बजावणी प्रथम क्लाइस्थेनिसवरच झाली.

 क्लाइस्थेनिस कारभार पाहत असतां आथेन्स आणि स्पार्टा ह्यांचें युद्ध जुंपलें, क्लिओमेनिस नांवाचा स्पार्टाचा राजा होता, त्याने मोठी फौज घेऊन आथेन्सवर स्वारी केली आणि तेथील किल्ला हस्तगत केला. तेव्हां आथेन्सच्या लोकांनीं निकरानें लहून तीन दिवसांत किल्ला परत घेतला. म्हणून क्लिओमिनिस यास परत जावें लागलें. पुढे क्लिओमिनिस ह्यानें कॉरिन्थियन व बिओशियन लोकांची मदत घेऊन दुसऱ्या बाजूनें आथेन्सवर स्वारी केली. त्याजबरोबर लढ ण्यासाठीं आथेन्सचे लोक तयार होऊन आले. इतक्यांत स्पार्टन लोकांनी चालविलेले हैं युद्ध गैर आहे, असें कॉरिन्थियन लोकांस वाटून, त्यांनी स्पार्टाचा पक्ष सोडिला. तेव्हां एकट्या बिओशियन लोकांचा आथिनियन फौजेनें तेव्हांच पराभव केला. बिओशियन लोकांस चाल्सिडियन लोकांची मदत होती. त्यांचाही पराभव होऊन, त्यांस आपला बराच मुलूख आथैन्सला द्यावा लागला. त्या मुलखांत आपल्या लोकांची वसाहत करण्याकरितां अँटिका प्रांतांतून चार हजार कुटुंबें चाल्सिडियांत पाठविण्यांत आलीं. ग्रीस देशांत ग्रीक संस्थानानें स्थापिलेली पहिली वसाहत हीच होय.

 आथेन्सचा कारभार क्लाइस्थेनिस पाहत होता, त्यास काढून हिपियस यास पुनः कारभार देण्याची खटपट स्पाटीचा राजा क्लिओमिनीस ह्यानें केली. पण ह्या कामी त्यास इतर संस्थानांचें साह्य हवें होतें तें मिळालें नाहीं. तेव्हां हिपियस ह्यानें इराणचा राजा डरायस हिस्टास्पिस ह्याजकडे संधान बांधून त्याची मदत मागितली ; व आपणास आथेन्सचा कारभार मिळाल्यास, आपण हें सर्व संस्थान इराणचे स्वाधीन करूं असें हिपियसनें कबूल केलें. त्यावरून डरायसनें आथेन्सच्या सरकारास असा हुकूम पाठविला कीं, ' आथेन्सचा कारभार एकदम हिपियसचे हवालीं करावा. आथीनियन लोकांनी हा हुकूम गुंडाळून ठेवून इराणशीं लढण्याची तयारी केली.

प्रकरण सातवें - इराणी युद्ध    

 आरंभापासून सलामिसच्या लढाईपर्यंत(इ.स.पू ४९२ - ४८०)

   इराणांत जे पराक्रमी राजे झाले त्यांत डरायसची गणना आहे. त्याच्या राज्याचा विस्तार पश्चिमेस ईज्यनसमुद्र व पूर्वेस सिंधुनद , तसेंच उत्तरेस सिथियन मैदान व दक्षिणेस इजिप्तची नीलनदी , एवढा होता. त्याच्या राज्याचे एकंदर वीस सुभे किंवा प्रांत होते. प्रत्येक प्रांतांवर सत्रप नांवाचा एक अधिकारी असे. ह्या सत्रपाची राहणी व अम्मल एखाद्या स्वतंत्र राजासारखा होता. आशियाच्या पश्चिम किनाऱ्यावर ग्रीक लोकांच्या वसाहती होत्या. त्या वसाहतींच्या प्रदेशास आयोनिया असे म्हणत. तेथचें मुख्य शहर मायलिटस म्हणून होतें. ह्या वसाहतींवर वस्तुत : डरायसचाच ताबा होता. वसाहतीतील ग्रीक लोकांस खुष ठेवण्यासाठी तेथचा सत्रपक्षी डरायसनें ग्रीक जातीचाच नेमिला होता ; परंतु एवढ्यानें ग्रीक लोक संतुष्ट होणारे नव्हते. त्यांस इराणचा अंमल नको होता. अरिस्टागोरास नामक मायलिटसचा ग्रीक सत्रप होता , त्यासच मुख्य करून , आशियांतील सर्व ग्रीक लोकांनीं डरायसचा अंमल झुगारून देण्याच्या हेतूनें बंड सुरू केलें.

 अरिस्टागोरास स्पार्टाचा राजा क्लिओमिनिस याजकडे मदत मागण्याकरितां गेला. डरायसच्या राज्यविस्ताराविषयीं क्लिओमिनिसची खात्री करण्याकरितां आरिस्टागोरासनें आपल्याबराबर एक पृथ्वीचा नकाशा तयार करून नेला होता. हा नकाशा कांसधातूच्या पटावर ओबडधोबडच काढलेला असून , त्यावर नद्यांचे प्रवाह व समुद्राचे आकार त्या वेळच्या माहितीनुरूप दाखविलेले होते. डरायसच्या राज्याचा विस्तार व त्यांची शक्ति ह्यांची क्लिओमिनिसला बरोबर कल्पना यावी एवढाच ह्या नकाशाचा उद्देश होता. युरोपांत झालेला पहिला नकाशा हाच होय.

 अरिस्टागोरासला क्लिओमिनिसची मदत मिळाली नाहीं. त्यानें क्लिओमिनिसला ह्या मदतीबद्दल अडीचलाख रुपये देऊं केले , तथापि उपयोग झाला नाहीं. उलट त्यास राजानें स्पार्टातून घाल वून दिलें असें सांगतात कीं , अरिस्टागोरासनें पैशाची लालूच दाखवितांच क्लिओमिनिसचा निश्चय डळमळू लागला होता ; इत क्यांत गोर्गो ( Gorgo ) नांवाची क्लिओमिनिसची आठ वर्षीची मुलगी होती , ती बापास म्हणाली , " बाबा , चला येथून निघून जा. नाहीं तर आपणास पाप लागेल". हे शब्द ऐकतांच क्लिओमिनिस उठून चालता झाला.  

 अरिस्टागोरासनें आपला वकील आथेन्स येथेही पाठविला होता. हिपियस यास आयेन्सचा कारभार द्यावा असा इराणी राजाचा हुकूम आयेन्सला येऊन पोचला , त्याच वेळेस हा वकीलही येऊन पोंचला. तेव्हां आयोनियाच्या ग्रीक लोकांस मदत करण्याचा आथेन्सच्या लोकांनीं एकदम निश्चय केला ; व अत्यंत त्वरा करून वीस लढाऊ जहाजें तयार केलीं. यूबिया बेटांत इरिट्रिया नांवाचें संस्थान होतें , तेथून पांच जहाजें आलीं. ह्या सर्व आरमारानें मिळून इराणी मुलखावर हल्ला करून सार्डिस शहर जळून टाकिलें , पुढे एक लढाई झाली , तींत इराणी लोकांस जय मिळाला , व आथीनियन लोक युद्ध सोडून परत स्वदेशीं आले.

 आयोनियन लोकांबरोबर डरायस सहा वर्षे लढत होता. अखेरीस त्यानें ग्रीक लोकांचें मुख्य शहर मायलिटस हस्तगत केलें ; व जे ग्रीक लोक त्याच्या हातांत जिवंत सांपडले त्यांस पकडून त्यानें तैग्रीसनदीच्या मुखाशीं नवीन वसाहत करण्यास पाठविलें. त्यानंतर आशियांतील सर्व ग्रीक शहरें एकामागून एक इराणच्या हस्तगत झाली. तेणेंकरून आशियांतील ग्रीक लोकांस जिंकण्याचा डरायसचा संकल्प पुरा झाला.

 पण एवढ्यानेंच डरायस स्वस्थ बसला नाहीं. सार्डिस शहर जाळ ल्याबद्दल आथिनियन व इरिट्रियन लोकांचा सूड घेण्याकरितां आथेन्सवर स्वारी करण्याची त्यानें तयारी केली. "आमचा ताबा तुम्हांस कबूल आहे याची खूण म्हणून आलेल्या जासुदा बरोबर माती आणि पाणी पाठवून द्या" असे निरोप डरायस यानें सर्व ग्रकि संस्थानांस पाठविले. थीन्स आणि ईजीना ह्यांनीं ही बेअदबी सहन करून , इराणी राजाचें भागणें कबूल केलें ; पण आथेन्स आणि स्पार्टी ह्यांनीं तें जुमानलें नाहीं. क्लिओमिनिस आपली फौज घेऊन एकदम ईजीनावर आला ; तें संस्थान जिंकून त्यानें आपल्या हस्तगत केलें , आणि तेथील लोकांपासून असें वचन घेतलें कीं , आपण शत्रूंस जाऊन मिळणार नाहीं. ह्या ईजीनाशी लढतांना क्लिओमिनिसनें अत्यंत क्रूरपणाचें आचरण केलें. तेथची राजधानी आरगॉस येथील देवाच्या राईत कांहीं लोक भिऊन लपून बसले होते , सबब क्लिओमिनिसनें ती राई जाळून टाकिली. पुढे लवकरच वेड लागून क्लिओमिनिसने आत्महत्या केली. देवाची राई जाळल्याबद्दल देव.स राग येऊन त्यानें अशा प्रकारें लिओमिनिस ह्यास शिक्षा केली , अर्से ग्रीक लोक म्हणूं लागले.

 इकडे इराणी लोकांनी मोठें आरमार घेऊन ग्रीसवर स्वारी केली. रस्त्यांत त्यांनी अनेक बेटे हस्तगत केलीं ; व यूबिया येथें येऊन इरिट्रियाला वेढा घातला. नंतर तें शहर हस्तगत करून इराणी लोकांनी जाळून टाकिलें. पुढे इराणी लोक जहाजांतून अॅटिका प्रांतांत येऊन मारेथानच्या मैदानांत तळ देऊन राहिले. त्यांजबरोबर सामना देण्यास प्लॅटियांतले ग्रीक लोक आले. स्पार्टाची मदत मागण्याकरितां त्यांनीं धांवते जासूद पाठविले. हे जासूद दांडरों मैल अंतर ४८ तासांत चालून गेले. निरनिराळ्या ग्रीक संस्था नांत एकमेकांशीं दळणवळण ठेवण्याचें साधन धांवणारे जासूद एवढेच असल्यामुळे , जलद धांवण्याची शक्ति लोकांच्या अंगी त्या वेळीं उत्कृष्ट होती. मारेथानपासून सार्टापर्यंतचा प्रवास जासुदांनीं इतक्या लवकर केला , ह्यावरून ग्रीक लोकांची शक्ति दिसून येते.

 ग्रीक फौजेवर दद्दा सेनापति होते. त्यांपैकीं दररोज एक असामी फौजेचा मुख्य होत असे. इराणी फौज अतिशय मोठी होती , म्हणून ग्रीक सेनापतीस तिजवर हल्ला करण्याची छाती होईना. तेव्हां मिल्टियाडिस ( Miltiades ) नांवाचा धाडशी व युद्ध कलेत प्रवीण असा एक गृहस्थ होता , तो ग्रीक फौजेचा मुख्य झाला. त्यानें इराणी लोकांशीं लहून त्यांचा संपूर्ण पराभव केला. ही मारेथानची लढाई इ.स.पू. ४९० ह्या वर्षी झाली.

 ह्या लढाईचीं वर्णनें अतिशयोक्तिनें भरलेलीं आहेत ; तरी पण ग्रीक लोकांहून इराणी लोकांची संख्या अतिशय मोठी होती. ग्रीक फौजेंत गुलामांची भरती विशेष असून , त्यांस युद्धशिक्षण मिळालेले नव्हतें. तथापि , जय मिळाल्यास तुम्हांस स्वातंत्र्य मिळेल , असें वचन त्यांस दिलेले असल्यामुळे त्यांनीं लढण्याची शिकस्त केली. ह्या विजयामुळें मिल्टियाडिसचा लौकिक अतिशय वाढला. लोकांनीं आथेन्स येथें महोत्सव करून नाना प्रकारें आनंद प्रगट केला. त्यांनी लढाईत पडलेल्या आथीनियन लोकांचीं प्रेतें मोठ्या थाटानें पुरून , त्यांवर एक भव्य इमारत बांधिली. ह्या इमारतीला दहा प्रचंड खांब असून , त्यांवर दहा जातींच्या लोकांची नांवें खोदलेलीं होतीं. गुलाम आणि प्लॅटियाचे लोक ह्यांच्या प्रेतांवरही दुसरी एक अशीच इमारत बांधिली.     हल्ली मॅरेथानचें मैदान उघडे व ओसाड आहे. त्या ठिकाणीं मनुष्यवस्ती नाहीं. समुद्रापासून सुमारें अर्ध्या मैलावर लाल मातीचा एक ढीग आहे. त्याची उंची ३० फूट व घेर ६०० फूट असून , जवळच एका चौकोनी आरसपानी मनोन्याचे अवशिष्ट भाग एकत्र होऊन पडले आहेत. हा मनोरा मिल्टियाडिसच्या सन्मानार्थ आथीनियन लोकांनी बांधिला होता.

 ह्या पराजयानें डरायसला फार वाईट वाटलें ; व पुन : पांच वर्षे सतत खपून त्यानें ग्रीसदेशावर स्वारी करण्याची जंगी तयारी केली. पण ती पूर्ण होण्यापूर्वीच तो मरण पावला ; तेव्हां त्याचा मुलगा क्झक्शस ह्यानें ग्रीस देश जिंकण्याचा पक्का निश्चय करून , तत्प्रीत्यर्थ ज्यास्तच जोरानें सर्व सिद्धता केली.

 ह्या वेळीं थेमिस्टॉक्लिस हा आथेन्सचा कारभार पाहत होता. तो घरंदाज व सधन असून , त्यानें आरमाराच्या योगानें आथेन्सचं सामर्थ्य पुष्कळ वाढविलें. अॅटिकाप्रांतांत लॉरियम येथें चांदीच्या खाणी होत्या , त्यांचें उत्पन्न त्यानें दरसाल वीस जहाजें नवीन बांधण्याकडे लावून दिलें , ह्या कामाची सर्व व्यवस्था नीट ठेवण्या करितां त्यानें एक स्वतंत्र कमिटी नेमिली थेमिस्टॉक्लिसनें बांध लेलीं जहाजें तिमजली असून , प्रत्येकावर दोनशें खलाशांची सोय होती. त्यांचा वेग इल्लींच्या आगबोटींच्या जवळ जवळ होता. त्यांच्या पुढील चोंचीच्या वरच्या अंगास रंगीत चित्रे काढिलेली असून , खाली आलेल्या टोकांस लोखंडी भाला ठोकलेला होता , तेणेंकरून तें टोंक शत्रूच्या जहाजांत एकदम शिरत असे. शत्रूचे बाग आंतील लोकांस लागूं नयेत , म्हणून कातड्याचे किंवा टोपलीच्या विणीसारखे कठडे त्या जहाजांच्या सभोंवार लावीत , त्यांजवर वल्हीं मारणारे बहुतेक गुलामच असत ; पण खलाशी मात्र खालच्या वर्गातील स्वतंत्र लोक असत.    

 मारेथानच्या लढाईनंतर दहा वर्षांनीं क्शकशस युरोपांत आला. त्याच्याबरोबर एवढी मोठी फौज होती की , पूर्वी कधीं कोणीं अशी फौज युरोपांत आलेली पाहिली नव्हती , तींत निरनिराळ्या राष्ट्रांचे लोक असून , त्या सर्वांनी आपापल्या राष्ट्रांचे पोषाख व हत्यारें धारण केली होतीं , एवढ्या फौजेस धान्यसामुग्री वगैरे पुरविण्याकरितां पुरुष , बायका , गाडे वगैरेंचे तांडेच्या तांडे त्या फौजेबरोबर होते. बादशहा आपल्या सुंदर रथांत बसून चालत होता ; त्याच्या बंदोबस्तास निवडक पहारा असून , जेथें जेथें मुक्काम होई , तेथें तेथें स्वत : च्या राजवाड्यासारखी त्याच्या जेवणाखाणाची सर्व तजवीज लागत असे.

 आथोस पर्वतापासून मुख्य महाद्वीपांस जोडणारी एक अरुंद संयोगिभूमि आहे , तीवरून फौज जाण्यास अडचण पडूं नये , म्हणून त्यानें ती संयोगिभूमि खणून तेथें एक कालवा केला. तसेंच मार्मोराचा समुद्र व ईज्यन समुद्र यांस जोडणारी हेलेस्पांट नांवाची अरुंद सामुद्रधुनी आशिया व यूरोप यांजमध्यें आहे , त्या सामुद्रधुनीवर त्यानें होड्यांचा एक पूल बांधिला. हा पूल बांधणारे लोक इजिप्शन व फिनिशियन होते. पूल तयार झाल्यावर वादळ होऊन तो तुटून गेला. तेव्हां त्यानें होड्यांच्या दुहेरी गंगा एकास एक लावून , पुन : दुसरा मजबूद पूल तयार केला. त्या सर्व होड्या दोरखंडांनीं जखडून टाकिल्या ; व प्रत्येक होडीचा नांगर पाण्यांत टाकून ती हालेनाशी केली. नंतर त्या होड्यांवर आडव्या फळ्या टाकून त्यांवर माती घातली व दोनही बाजूंस कठडा उभा केला ; तेव्हां हा पूल उत्कृष्ट रस्त्यासारख च झाला. हे काम करण्यास क्शक्शिसनें वेठीचे लोक धरून आणिले , त्यांजकडून काम घेण्याकरितां स्वतःच्या खात्रीचे मुकादम नेमलेले होते. ह्या पुलावरून सात अहोरात्रपर्यंत क्शक्शिसची फौज पलीकडे जात होती. खुष्कीची फौज थ्रेसप्रांतांतून गेली , तेव्हां त्या प्रांतांतील प्रत्येक शहराला एक दिवसाची सामुग्री ह्या फौजेस द्यावी लागली. ह्या जबरदस्तीनें कांहीं शहरें तर कायमचीं नाश पावलीं ; कारण एवढ्या मोठ्या फौजेचें एक दिवसाचें अन्न कांहीं थोडें नव्हतें.

 ह्या भयंकर अरिष्टाशी सामना करण्याकरितां आथेन्स आणि स्पार्टा ही संस्थाने एक झाली. दुसरीं कांहीं संस्थानें त्यांस प्रथम मिळालीं होतीं , पण त्यांनीं भावी परिणामावर नजर देऊन आपला पाय आरंभींच जुटींतून काढून घेतला. अशा प्रकारचा स्वदेशद्रोह करण्यांत अग्रगण्य संस्थान थेसली होय. थेसलीचे लोक क्शर्विस ह्यास नुसते शरण जाऊन स्वस्थ बसले नाहीत , तर उलट त्याच्या फौजेंत सामील होऊन आथेन्सबरोबर लढण्यास आले. थेसली , आणि ग्रीस देशाचे इतर प्रांत , ह्यांमध्यें मोठमोठे उंच पर्वत आहेत. त्यांवरून ग्रीस देशांत फौज उतर ण्याची एकच अरुंद वाट आहे. तिला थर्मापिली असें म्हणतात. हिच्या एका बाजूस ईटाचा डोंगर व दुसऱ्या बाजूस समुद्र आहे. इराणी फौजेस प्रतिबंध करावयाचा म्हणजे ह्या वाटेच्या पुढें तीस येऊं द्यावयाचें नाहीं. इराणी फौजेस अडविण्याचें हें काम स्पार्टाचा राजा लिओनिडास ह्यानें पत्करिलें तो आपले लोक घेऊन ही अरुंद वाट अडवून बसला. इराणी लोकांनी ह्या वाटेनें आंत शिरण्याचे अनेक प्रयत्न केले ; पण ते सफळ झाले नाहींत. शेवटीं एफिऍल्टिस नांवाचा ट्राकिनिया प्रांतांतला एक ग्रीक गृहस्थ फितूर होऊन शत्रूस मिळाला. त्यानें पर्वतांवरून आंत येण्याची एक लहानशी वाट क्झक्शस ह्यास दाखविली. त्या वाटेनें थोडीशी इराणी फौज लिओनिडासच्या पिछाडीस येऊं शकली.        

 लिओनिडास पळून गेला असता , तर त्याचा बचाव झाला असता. पण स्पार्टाचा कायदा असा होता कीं , स्पार्टन लोकांनी रणांगणांतून पळ काढतां नये , अशा कचाट्यांत सांपडून त्यानें ह्या बिकट प्रसंग शूर पुरुषास शोभणारें निश्चयाचें वर्तन केलें , तीनशें स्पार्टन , सातशें थेस्पियन आणि चारशें थीबन इतके लोक त्यानें आपल्याजवळ ठेविले , आणि बाकीच्यास रजा दिली. ही लहानशी फौज त्यानें कझर्विीसच्या प्रचंड सेनासमूहाशीं टक्कर देण्याकरितां सज्ज केली , पैकीं चारशें थीबन लोक होते ते आरंभींच रणांगण सोडून चालते झाले. बाकीचे मात्र सर्व अशा निकराने लढले कीं , त्यांपैकी एकही इसम जिवंत राहिला नाहीं.

 ह्याप्रमाणें ती अरुंद वाट ताब्यांत येतांच इराणी फौज फोसिस प्रांतांतून जाळपोळ व लुटालूट करीत पुढे आली. बिओशियांतील लोकांनी तिचा प्रेमानें सत्कार केला. एक इराणी तुकडी डेल्फायवर आली ; पण डेल्फायच्या लोकांनीं निकरानें लहून तीस परत घालविलें.

 तथापि आथेन्सच्या बाजूचे लोक इतके सोडून गेले , की आर्थि नियन लोकांचा नाइलाज झाला ; तेव्हां ते आथेन्स शहर सोडून व बायकामुले आणि घेतां आली तेवढी मालमत्ता घेऊन , जहाजांत बसून निघून सलामिस व ईजीना ह्या बेटांत निघून गेले. फक्त थोडे लोक मागें राहिले , त्यांनी किल्ल्यांत जाऊन दरवाजे बंद केले. त्यावर शत्रूंनी हल्ला केला. तथापि सर्व असामी पडले , तेव्हांच आथेन्सचा किल्ला इराणी लोकांच्या हाती आला.

 पुढें सलमिस बेट आणि ग्रीस देश यांजमध्यें अरुंद समुद्र आहे , त्यांत इराणी आरमार आलें. ह्या ठिकाणी मात्र ग्रीक लोकांचें दैव उदयास आलें. ग्रीक आरमारावर थेमिस्टॉक्लिस हा मुख्य होता. त्यानें इराणी आरमारावर हल्ला करून त्या सर्वांचा पन्ना उडविला. ह्या समुद्रावरील झुंजास सलामिसची लढाई असें म्हणतात. ह्या लढाईनें युद्धाचा शेवटच झाला. समुद्रांत आरमारांची लढाई चालली होती ती पाहत क्सक्स किनाऱ्यावर आपली फौज सज्ज करून बसला होता. डोळ्यांसमोर आपले सर्व आरमार गडप झालेले पाहून त्याचा धीर सुटला ; आणि त्यास मोठी दहशत पडली. आरमाराशिवाय युद्ध चालविणे शक्य नव्हतें ; तेव्हां झालें इतकेंच पुरे असे समजून , तो तसाच त्वरेनें परत स्वदेश निघाला. त्याची फौज मागें राहिली , तीवर मार्डीनियस ह्यास त्यानें मुख्य सेनापति नमिलें.

 आथेन्स शहरांत जें कांहीं उरलें होतें तें सर्व मार्डोनियस ह्यानें जाळून नाहींसें केलें. पुढें बिओशिया प्रांतांत प्लाटिया ( Plataea ) येथें इराणी फौजेची व ग्रीक फौजेची लढाई होऊन मार्डोनियस भारला गेला. त्याच दिवशीं आशियामायनरांत मायकेलं येथेही इराणी लोकांचा पराभव झाला. ग्रीक लोकांनी इराणी फजिचा थेट त्यांच्या छावणीपर्यंत पाठलाग करून बहुतेकांस कापून काढिलें. नंतर श्रीब्सचे लोक आरंभीच इराणी लोकांस मिळाले होते , त्यांचं पारिपत्य करण्याकरितां ग्रीक फौज थीब्स शहरावर आली ; व तेथच्या पुढा - यांस पकडून त्यांनीं कॉरिन्थ येथें पाठविलें. तेथें स्वराष्ट्रद्रोहाबद्दल त्या सर्वां चा शिरच्छेद करण्यांत आला. ह्याप्रमाणें क्झक्शसची स्वारी संपली.

 ह्या युद्धांत आथेन्सचें सर्वस्वी नुकसान झालें. घरेंदारें शेतेंभातें वगैरे सर्व उद्धस्त झाली. तथापि आथेन्सचे लोक न डगमगतां दृढनिश्चयानें पुनरपि सर्व जमवाजमव करूं लागले ; व पहिल्यापेक्षांही जास्त टुमदार शहर त्यांनीं उठविलें. ह्या नवीन शहराचा तट सात मैल परीघाचा होता ; परंतु एवढा विस्तार इमारतींनीं कधींच भरून आला नाहीं. आंत पुष्कळ रिकामी जागा होती , तींत परचक्र आलें असतां बाहेरच्या खेड्यांतील लोकांस आपली मालमत्ता घेऊन राहतां येत असे. बाहेरच्या लोकांची ही मोठी सोय झाली ; कारण आथे न्सचे पुष्कळ धनाढ्य लोक बाहेरच्या खेड्यांतील आपल्या मालकीच्या जमिनीवर बंगले बांधून राहत असत , त्यांस युद्धप्रसंग आला असतां शहरांत येऊन राहण्याची सोय झाली.

 मारेथॉनच्या लढाईनंतर लवकरच आथेन्सचा शूर सेनापति मिल्टियाडिस ह्याजवर राजद्रोहाचा आरोप येऊन त्याजला अडीच लाख रुपये दंड करण्यांत आला. तो त्यानें न दिल्यामुळे त्यास कैदेत टाकिलें , तेथेंच तो मृत्यु पावला. पण आथेन्सचा कायदा असा होता की , बापाची शिक्षा मुलानें भोगावी. तदनुसार मिल्टि याडिसचा मुलगा सायमन ( Simon ) ह्यास , दंड न भरल्यामुळे , कैदेंत जावे लागलें. पुढें कल्यास नांवाच्या आथेन्सच्या एका साव कारानें सायमनचा दंड भरून त्यास बंधमुक्त केलें ; त्याबद्दल साय मननें आपली बहीण कल्यास ह्यास देण्याचें वचन दिलें. कालांत रानें सायमन ह्यास वडिलोपार्जित जिंदगी मिळाली , व युद्धांतील लूटही पुष्कळ प्राप्त झाली. तेणेंकरून तो मातवर बनला.

प्रकरण आठवे - सायमन व पेरीक्लीज

   क्शर्विशसचा पराभव झाला तरी युद्ध थांबलें नाहीं. पूर्वेकडील ग्रीक प्रदेशांत उभय पक्षांची झटापट चाललीच होती. थेमिस्टॉक्ली वर देशद्रोहाचा आरोप येऊन त्यास देशत्यागाची शिक्षा झाली असल्यामुळे , सायमन हा सेनापती झाला होता. त्यानें समुद्रावर व जमिनीवर इराणी फौजेशी लढून अनेक विजय संपादिले. इ.स.पू. ४६६ ह्या वर्षी आशियामानयरच्या किनान्यावर युरिमिडॉन येथे त्यानें इराणी फौजेचा पुरा फन्ना उडविला , इराणी आरमार नाहींसें केलें , व पुष्कळ लूट संपादन केली.

 ह्यामुळे सायमनचा लौकिक मोठा वाढला ; आणि आथेन्सचा राज्यकारभार आपल्या हार्ती असावा अशी त्यास इच्छा उत्पन्न झाली. पण पेरिक्लीज म्हणून त्यास एक प्रतिसर्धी होता. तो प्रजा पक्षाचा मुख्य असून सायमन हा सरदार लोकांचा मुख्य होता. सायमन मोठा पैसेवाला होता. त्याने अनेक प्रकारचा दानधर्म व खर्च करून लोकांची प्रीति संपादन केली. त्यानें आपल्या बागा व फळांचे मळे सर्व लोकांस खुले केले. त्याच्या पंक्तीस सर्व जातभाईस भोजन मिळे. तो बाहेर पडे तेव्हां त्याचे नोकर गरीबांस पैसे व कपडे वांटीत त्याजपुढें चालत. त्यानें बागा तयार केल्या , धर्म शाळा बांधिल्या आणि दुसरी पुष्कळ सार्वजनिक कामे केलीं , त्यांचा लोकांस मोठा उपयोग झाला. थीसियसच्या मोठ्या देवळाचा कांहीं पडका भाग अजून दृष्टीस पडतो. तें देऊळ सायमननें बांधिलें आथेन्स शहर व त्याची दोन बंदरें ह्यांजमध्ये त्यानें दोन मोठ्या भिंती बांधून त्यांजमधून दोहोंस जोडणारा चांगला सुरक्षित रस्ता नवीन बांधिला , इतकी कामे केलीं तरी त्याचा हेतु सिद्धीस गेला नाहीं. थेमिस्टॉक्लीसप्रमाणे त्यासही शिक्षा झाली. त्यास देशत्याग करावा लागला. तेव्हां अर्थात् आथेन्सचा सर्व कारभार पेरिक्लीजच्या हातीं आला.

 इराणी फौजेचा पराभव करण्यांत आयेन्स आणि स्पार्टा ह्रीं दोन संस्थानें प्रमुख होतीं. ह्यापुढे दोघांनाही ग्रीस देशांत प्रमुख होण्याची संधि आली होती. त्यांत स्पार्टाचें वर्चस्व थोडेसें ज्यास्तच होतें. परंतु तेथील लोकांच्या अंगीं बादशाही पद धारण करण्यास लागणारा जोम नव्हता. त्यांना आरमार नको होतें , व आरमाराशिवाय दूरदूरचे प्रदेश ताब्यांत ठेवणे शक्य नव्हतें. तसेंच परिस्थिति बदलेल त्याप्रमाणे स्पार्टन लोकांस आपली व्यवस्था बदलतां येत नसे , त्यांना नवीन सुधारणा नको होत्या. कोणी एकादा अक्कलवान पुरुष पुढे येऊन नवीन व्यवस्था करूं लागला , कीं तो त्यांस अप्रिय होई. आहे तेवढ्यांत आपला बचाव करावा , उगाच बाहेरच्या भानगडींची उठाठेव करूं नये , असे स्पार्टाचें धोरण होतें. अमुक एक ठरीव पद्धत कायमची न स्वीकारतां , ऐन प्रसंगी एकदम कांहीं तरी निश्चय करून त्याप्रमाणे वागणें ही स्पार्टाची पद्धत होतीं. स्वतःच्या संस्था नापलीकडे इतर ग्रीक संस्थानांची त्यास परवा वाटत नसे.

 पण आथेन्सचें धोरण निराळें होतें. इराणी युद्धांत मिळालेल्या विजयाचा फायदा घेऊन आथेन्सनें बहुतेक ग्रीक संस्थानांची एक जूट जमविली ; आणि स्वतः पुढाकार घेऊन एक प्रकारची नवीन बादशाही स्थापन केली. म्हणजे पूर्वी प्रत्येक ग्रीक संस्थान स्वतंत्र व विसकळित होतें ; पण आतां परशत्रूच्या हल्लयानें उत्पन्न झालेल्या अडचणींमुळें , बहुतेक संस्थानें एक झार्ली , आणि त्यांचे प्रमुखपण आधेन्सला प्राप्त झालें. इराणी लोकांचा पराभव झाला तरी ठिक ठिकाण इराणची ठाणीं होतीं. त्यामुळे आयोनिया वगैरे दूरदूरच्या संस्थानांस स्वतःच्या बचावासाठी एक जूट करणे जरूर वाटलें. इराणच्या जुलमापासून ग्रीक संस्थानांचा बचाव करणे , आणि इराणी मुलखांवर ताव मारून आपली संपत्ति वाढविणें , हे ह्या जुटीचे मुख्य उद्देश होते. डेलॉस म्हणून एक बेट होतें , त्या ठिकाणी ह्या जुटींतील संस्थानांनी आपला मुख्य खजिना ठेविला , आणि तेथेंच व्यवस्थापक सभाही भरूं लागली. त्यावरून ह्या जुटीस "डेलॉसची जूट" असें नांव पडलें.    

 ह्या जुटींत समुद्रकाठी असलेली सर्व ग्रीक संस्थान सामील झाली. सर्वांनी शक्त्यनुसार मदत करून एक मोठें आरमार तयार केलें. कित्येक संस्थानें अगदींच लहान व गरीब होती. त्यांस सबंध जहाजें देण्याची ऐपत नसल्यामुळे त्यांनी थोडीबहुत रोख रक्कम द्यावी असा ठराव झाला. अशा प्रकारें ह्या संस्थानांचे प्रथम दोन वर्ग झाले : एक सबंध जहाजें देणारांचा , व एक रोख रकमा देणा रांचा. दुसरा वर्ग मोठा होता. अॅरिस्ट्रायडिस म्हणून आथेन्सचा एक हुशार मुत्सद्दी होता , त्यानें ही जूट जमवून आणिली. निरनि राळ्या संस्थानांची ऐपत टरवून , कोणी किती मदत करावी , ही त्यानेंच ठरवून दिले , म्हणून अॅरिस्टायडिस ह्यास ह्या जुटीचा संस्था पक असे म्हणतात , ॲरिस्टायडिसबरोबर थेमिस्टॉक्लिसही तेंच काम करीत होता. ह्या दोघांनी डेलॉसच्या जुटींत अथेन्सला प्रमुख पद मिळवून दिले. पैशाची व आरमाराची सर्व व्यवस्था आथेन्सच्याच हातांत होती. त्यामुळे लवकरच सर्व संस्थानांचे स्वातंत्र्य हिरावून त्यांजवर आथेन्सने आपले स्वामित्व बसविले. हे स्वामित्व स्थापन करणारा पुरुष सायमन होय. जुटीनें स्थापन केलेले मोठें आरमार घेऊन त्यानें प्रथम इराणच्या ताब्यांतील कांहीं प्रदेश काबीज केले ; आणि पुढे त्याच आरमाराच्या जोरावर , कित्येक ग्रीक संस्थानें जुटींत सामील होण्यास नाखुप होतीं , त्यांस जिकिलें. येणेंकरून जुटींतील संस्थानांची संख्या दोनशेंवर झाली. इतकी शक्ति येतांच डेलॉस येथील खजिना आथेन्स येथें आणिला. तेव्हां - पासून अथेन्स येथील ग्रीक बादशाहीचा आरंभ धरितात. ( इ.स.पू. ४५४ ). ह्याप्रमाणे आथेन्सची सत्ता ईज्यनसमुद्रांतील बहुतेक बेटांवर आणि स व मासिडोनिया यांतील ग्रीक शहरांवर पसरली. हें आयेन्सचे वर्चस्व सुमारें पन्नास वर्षे टिकलें तें फार दिवस टिकलें नाहीं ह्याचं कारण , एकानें दुसऱ्याच्या ताब्यांत राहवें असा मुळीं ग्रीक लोकांचा स्वभावच नव्हता. आपणास पूर्ण स्वातंत्र्य पाहिजे असें प्रत्येक शहरास वाटत होतें. परकीय शत्रु आला असतां सर्व शहरें एकी करण्यास कबूल झाली तरी , तो शत्रु नाहींसा होतांच , प्रत्येकास स्वतंत्रता हवीशी वाटली. आथेन्सचा दिमाख त्यांस सहन झाला नाहीं. स्पार्टा व त्याच्या लगामांतील इतर संस्थानें डेलॉसच्या जुटींत कधींच सामील झाली नाहीत.    

 आथेन्सची ही वाढती सत्ता स्पार्टास खपली नाहीं. त्या दोघांत युद्ध जुंपले ; पण पांच वर्षेपावती तह होऊन तें थांवले. सायम नची शिक्षा रद्द होऊन तो परत आला होता , तो ह्या वेळेस मरण पावला ; आणि तहाचीं पांच वर्षे भरण्यापूर्वी आथेन्स व स्पार्टा झांज मध्ये पुनः समुद्रावर युद्ध जुपलें. त्याचे कारण असे झाले कीं , डेल्फायचें देऊळ व त्यांतील देवाची सर्व मालमत्ता संभाळण्याचें काम डेल्फाय येथील लोकांच्या हातांत होतें. देवपूजेचें कामही तेथच्याचं कित्येक मोठमोठ्या कुटुंबांकडे वंशपरंपरेनें चालू होतें. डेल्फाय शहर फोसिस संस्थानाच्या ताव्यांतले असून , फोसिसचे अधिकारी डेल्फायच्या मंदिरांतील वरील हक्कांकरितां भांडूं लागले. ह्या भांडणांत आथेन्सनें फोसिसला मदत केली. इकडे स्पार्टानें डेल्फायचा पक्ष स्वीकारिला , व सर्व मंदिर परत तेथील लोकांच्या ताब्यांत दिले. स्पार्टीने केलेल्या ह्या मदतीबद्दल डेल्फायच्या लोकांनी स्पाटीला असा एक हक दिला की , ज्या वेळेस पुष्कळ संस्थानांचे वकील भविष्य वर्तविण्यास येतील , त्या वेळेस स्पार्टाचा कौल सर्वांच्या अगोदर लावावा. डेल्फायच्या लोकांनी ह्या हक्काचा मजकूर एका दगडी खांबावर खोदून ठेविला. पुढे स्पार्टाच्या फौजा परत गेल्या , तेव्हां पेरिक्लीज आयेन्सची फौज घेऊन डेल्फायबर चालून आला. त्यानें डेल्फायचें मंदिर काबीज करून , तेथचे सर्व हक्क फोसिसच्या लोकांस दिले ; आणि प्रथम कौल घेण्याचा हक्क अथेन्सचा ठरवून , तो , स्पार्टाचा हक ज्या खांबावर खोदला होता त्याच खांबावर खोदून ठेविला हैं एक कारण आथेन्स व स्पार्टाच्या वैमनस्यास झालें , व आणखीही कित्येक कारणें झाली. त्यामुळें युद्ध जुंपून तें तीन वर्षे चाललें. त्यांत स्पार्टाचा जय होऊन अनेक अटी कबूल करून आथेन्सला तह करणें प्राप्त झालें. इ.स.पू. ४४५ ह्या वर्षी दोघांचा तीस वर्षेपावेतों सलोख्याचा तइ ठरला.    

 इ.स.पू  ४६० पासून ४३० हीं तीस वर्षे पेरिक्लीजच्या कारभाराची म्हणून प्रसिद्ध आहेत. पेरिक्लीजचा लौकिक फार मोठा आहे. त्या वेळच्या सर्व मुत्सद्यांत पेरिक्लीज अग्रगण्य असून त्याची राज्यकारभार करण्याची कुशलता , त्याची विद्वत्ता , व आधेन्स येथे मोठमोठी कामे करून त्यानें केलेली सुधारणा , झांविषयीं त्याची मोठी ख्याति आहे. त्यानें सर्व सुधारणा लोकांच्या पैशांतूनच केल्या , व लोकांनीं खर्च करण्यास नाखुषी दाखवूं नये म्हणून सार्वजनिक पैशांतून गरीबांस अन्न व करमणुकीचीं साधनें करून दिली. त्यानें सार्वजनिक सणांची संख्या वाढविली ; नाटकगृहें दररोज खुलीं ठेविलीं ; व ज्यांस नाटकाचें तिकीट घेण्याची ऐपत नव्हती , त्यांस सरकारी खजिन्यांतून पैसा देण्याची त्यानें सोय केली. तसेंच कोर्टात लोकांस जूरर नेमीत , त्यांस कामाच्या दिवसांचा पगार देण्याचा पेरिक्लीजने ठराव केला. येणे करून तो फार लोकप्रिय झाला. दुसरा एक कायदा पेरिलीज असा केला कीं , ताब्यांतील संस्थानांचे सर्व खटले शेवटीं निकालास आथेन्स येथें यावे. त्यायोगें आथेन्सचें काम आणि महत्त्व फार वाढलें.

 जुटर्टीतील संस्थानांकडून आथेन्सला करभार येत असे , तो पेरिक्लीजनें वाढविला. पूर्वी तो ४६० टॅलेट म्हणजे २३ लक्ष रुपये होता , तो आतां ६०० टॅलॅट म्हणजे ३० तीस लक्ष रुपये झाला. अशा रीतीनें ज्यास्त आलेला पैसा खर्च करून त्यानें आथेन्स येथे मोठ मोठे सुंदर वाडे बांधिले , आणि दुसरी कलाकौशल्याची कार्मे तयार केलीं. सायमननें सुरू केलेले लांब तट पेरिक्लीजनें पुरे केले ; इराणी लोकांनी पाडिलेलीं देवळें दुरुस्त केली , आणि नवीन भव्य मंदिरें बांधिलीं , त्यांपैकी पार्थिनॉन नांवाचें आथिनी देवीचे मंदिर विशेष प्रसिद्ध आहे. ते किल्ल्याच्या आंत शहराचे मध्यभागीं होतें. त्यांतील कित्येक कसबाची कामें अत्यंत प्रेक्षणीय होतीं. त्यावर फिडियास नांवाचा मुख्य कारागीर असून त्यानें केलेले कित्येक पुतळे हल्लीं ब्रिटिश म्यूझियममध्यें आहेत , तेथें त्यांस ' एल्जिन आरसपान ' असें नांव आहे. आथिनी देवीचा पुतळा सुमारे ४० फुट उंच , हस्तिदंताचा व सोन्याचा केलेला होता : म्हणजे मूळ सर्व पुतळा लांकडी करून , त्यावर सर्वत्र हस्तिदंत जडवून वस्त्राचे भाग सर्व सोन्याचे केलेले होते.

 ह्याशिवाय प्रोपिली ( Propyl ) व ओडियम ( Odeum ) ही दोन उत्कृष्ट कामें पेरिक्लींजची आहेत. किल्ल्यांत जाण्याचा रस्ता होता , त्याच्या दोहों बाजूंस भिंतीवर खोदीव नकशीचें व चित्रांचें काम केलेलें होतें ; व आंत शिरण्याच्या मुख्य द्वाराला पांच मोठाले धातूचे दरवाजे व सहा आरसपानी भव्य खांच होते. रस्त्याला प्रोपिली असें नांव होतें. ओडियम म्हणून एक सुंदर व भव्य नाटकगृह असून , त्यांत लोकांच्या करमणुकीसाठीं गायनाचे समारंभ होत असत. ह्या इमारतींच्या योगानें शहरांतील सुतार , लोहार , सोनार , गंवडी , पाथरवट म्ह ० पुतळे खोदणारे , चित्रकार वगैरे अनेक प्रकारच्या कारागिरांस मुबलक काम मिळालें.

 झिक्स म्हणून एक खुली जागा होती तेथील भव्य इमारतीत लोकनियुक्त सभेची कचेरी भरत असे. ती शहरांतील आगोरा नांवाच्या मुख्य चौकाजवळ होती. रोमचें जसें फोरम तसें आथेन्सचें आगोरा , म्हणजे शहरचा मुख्य चौक होय. ह्या सभागृहाची बांधणी वर्तुळाकार असून त्यांतील एका बाजूस न्यायाची कोटें असत. सभेचा मुख्य दिवाणखाना पांचशें सभासद बसण्यास पुरेसा होता. निक्सच्या पाठीमागें मूळचेंच एक लांबच्या लांच दगडी टैंकाड असून , त्यामुळे त्याच्या एक बाजूचा बंदोबस्त झाला होता. इमारतीच्या मध्यभागी दगडांत कोरलेले उंच व्यासपीठ होतें , त्यावर चढण्याच्या पायव्याही दगडांतच कोरून केलेल्या होत्या. जेव्हां सभेत बोलण्याचा कोणास प्रसंग येई , तेव्हां त्यानें त्या पाया चढून व्यासपीठावर जाऊन बोलावें असा निर्बंध होता. ह्यामुळे सार्वजनिक प्रश्नांची चर्चा सर्व लोकांस कळे , व सर्व लोक आपले हात उचलून मतें देत.    

 आथेन्स व स्पार्टा ह्यांजमधील मार्गे सांगितलेला तह होऊन सुमारें चौदा वर्षे झाली ; तोच त्यानच्यामधे  पुनरपि भांडणें उपस्थित झाली , त्यामुळे पुनः युद्ध सुरू झालें.

Much has been written about the two battles of Tarain already, especially since they were pivotal ones in hindsight. Fought between the Chahamanas and Ghurids, it led to Turkish incursions into the subcontinent after Ghurids won the second battle. All sorts of claims abound. Right from Ghurids defeating the Chahamana army 10 times their number, to the Gahadvala king secretly helping the Ghurids against the Chauhans. None of these claims stand up to scrutiny.

This essay attempts to consult source materials, compares claimed data with other antecedents and calculates estimates of the army sizes, compositions, the tactics and how the battles unfolded.

To start, we will examine the primary sources to reconstruct what the armies were like on each side. Next we will form estimates of relative army sizes. Finally, we will compare accounts of how the battle is said to have unfolded.

Ghurids

The Shansabanids were a Persianized dynasty which came to be known as Ghurids after their city of Ghur. They were originally Ghaznavid vassals, before successfully rebelling against them and overruning them entirely. By late 1000s, Ghaznavids had been vassalized by central Asian turks. The Ghurids drove Ghaznavids out of Afghanistan, eventually taking their last city Lahore in 1186 CE. A number of their battles and tactics have been described in Tabaqat-i-Nasiri by Minhaj.

To fight mounted archers, they constructed armour pieces which formed a shield wall.

The troops of Ghur have a method, in the practise of fighting on foot, of making a certain article of one fold of raw bullock-hide, over both sides of which they lay cotton, and over all draw figured coarse cotton cloth after the form of a screen [or breast-work], and the name of that article of defence is karwah. When the foot-soldiers of Ghur plade this [screen] upon their shoulders, they are completely covered from head to foot by it ; and, when they close their ranks, they appear like unto a wall, and no missile or arms can take any effect on it, on account of the quantity of cotton with which it is stuffed.

-Tabakat-i-Nasiri, Bibiliothetica Indica (1873), Page 352.

Against elephants, the infantry practiced drills to open gaps and let the elephant pass unimpeded before surrounding it. Elephants had been incorporated into Ghaznavid armies after their incursions into India. They were able to use them to great effect against their Central Asian enemies, who had little experience in fighting these beasts. By the time the Ghurids destroyed Ghaznavids, they acquired enough exposure to elephant tactics to design appropriate measures to counter it.

When the engagement was fairly begun, Daulat Shah, son of Bahram Shah, with a body of cavalry and an elephant, made a charge. Sultan Ala-ud-Din directed that the foot-soldiers should open their rank of karwahs, in order to allow Daulat Shah to enter with his whole division. They opened their ranks accordingly. When Daulat Shah, with his body of horse and the elephant, entered, the infantry closed the breach in their ranks again, and completely surrounded that Prince on all sides and he, with the whole of that body of horse, were martyred, and the elephant was brought to the ground, and also killed.

-Tabakat-i-Nasiri, Bibiliothetica Indica (1873), Page 352-353

Aside from elephants, Ghurid armies were fairly similar to Ghaznavid. We have some details of Ghaznavid armies during the time of Sultan Mahmud. The army under his personal command consisted of 15,000 horse and 10,000 infantry. Another army retained by his governor of Balkh commanded 12,000 horse and 10,000 foot. While the governor of Khwarazem had 20,000 horse and 10,000 foot. In total, ~47,000 horse and 30,000 foot. The army composition is 40% infantry, and 60% cavalry.

- The Ghaznavid & Seljuq Turks, G.E Tetley, Page 60

Chahamanas / Chauhans

We do not have explicit details of the army composition of the Chauhan army specifically, but we have multiple military texts from Classical India, specifying the ratios of different types of soldiers and their numbers. From the classical Indian text Nitisara, we get the following as functions of cavalry.

वनदिङ्मार्गप्रचयो  वीवधासाररक्षणम् । अनुयानापसरणे शीघ्र  कार्योपपादनम् ॥ ४ ॥

दीनानुसरणथैवः  कोटीनां जघनस्य च । इत्यश्वकर्म पत्तेश्च सर्वदा शस्त्रधारणम् ॥ ५ ॥

The cavalry's role was not the shock combat role it would play in later times. But instead limited to scouting, messengers, protecting of supply routes from surprise attacks, and run down routing enemies. Mobility and surprise was important. This is a very different role than Mamluk heavy cavalry or European knights, whose primary role on the battlefield was to unleash a devastating charge with their lances.

 From the book "The Army of Rajputs" by RX Saxena, as well as accounts of battles right up to Mughal times, we find that Rajput armies consisted of a large portion of infantry. The infantry fought with spears in close order formations. When pressed hard, they would at times, link their armour/cloth together to form an impenetrable wall. Often, cavalrymen would dismount when the fighting was severe. All of which points to the use of cavalry not for charges with lances, but in a supporting role and transport.

 From the Gajapati military text "Harihara Chaturanga", we find that cavalry was posted for only two roles. To protect the king or crown prince, and as a reserve to exploit any gaps created or support a wing that is losing. This is also borne out by their strength, which did not exceed more than 10% of the total.

 To conclude, we can estimate that cavalry did not play the same role in Chauhan armies as it did in Ghurid armies, nor did it constittue a significant portion of the army. This was not a handicap against enemy cavalry, as their spear wielding infantry was capable of warding off any enemy cavalry in tight formations.

Army size estimates

 When reading army sizes claimed, it is a common feature to exaggerate enemy army sizes to vast numbers, to magnify the achievements of their patron king. Herodotus claims the army of Persians invading Greece amounted to 4 million. Caesar claimed the Gauls fielded millions of men. The claims from antiquity can be identified as false quite easily, due to the sheer magnitude of divergence from even modern day armies.

 In case of Medieval writers, a different pattern emerges. One of the most well preserved memoirs is the Baburnama, written by the Mughal empire's founder. Babur was no stranger to war. He had fought his first battle before he turned 20, against the Uzbek king Shaybani. The forces on each side numbered no more than 3 to 5 thousand. In 1512, he allied with the Safavids against the Uzbeks. The Persian army that aided him was around 12,000. The Uzbeks fielded similar numbers. As late as 1525, the force that he marched with from Kabul for the conquest of Delhi, numbered only 12,000. But soon after Panipat, Babur receives a letter about a battle in the far north between the Uzbeks and Persians. Surprisingly, Babur notes the army size as 200,000 for the Uzbeks. The same Uzbeks who were unable to field even 20,000 few years prior, were somehow able to field 1000% more. Unless of course, the numbers are inflated to a great degree. Assuming the Uzbeks even bolstered their strength to a degree, 20,000 is possible. But 200,000 is not. Babur, who studied Alexander, older battles, ruled multiple cities at different times could not possibly believe that the Uzbeks actually numbered 200 thousand! The enemy army size is being inflated by a factor of 10. This is repeated, when he notes the size of his force marching from Kabul to fight the first battle of Panipat was 12,000. But 2 years later, even with a larger force, he claims to have beaten Rana Sanga's army of more than 200,000.

 Leaving aside the logistical challenges and expense for such an undertaking, it is also physically impossible for an army to fight an open battle against another which is 3-10 times its size. Infantry deployed several ranks deep, typically in three wings. If both sides deployed equal strengths, the enemy would still be left with 70% of their army to spare. This enemy army could march to the flanks and attack from both sides and even the rear, while still having troops to spare! Of two armies, where terrain is a major impediment, such as a narrow pass, swamp, etc a major portion of the armies may not be able to engage. It becomes feasible for smaller armies to hold much larger ones at bay.

 No such terrain features existed at Tarain. Minhaj claims an army of 120,000 cavalry for Ghurids based on what he was told by a government official, but 300,000 for the Chauhans.  When contemporary writers like Minhaj mention army sizes, they often mention only the cavalry. We must add the estimated infantry to this total to get a rough estimate of the full army.

 Assuming this to be an exaggeration of 10x as usual, it amounts to 12,000 cavalry. Adding infantry numbers calculated assuming the army to be similar to Ghaznavids, the lower bound of 40% infantry is ~8,000. In practice, the Ghurid attention devoted to anti mounted archer tactics makes it far more likely their infantry formed a much larger portion of the total, as opposed to a predominantly cavalry force that would have little trouble fighting mounted archers. If the infantry portion is higher, 50 or 60%, their infantry at Tarain II ranges between 12,000 to 18,000. This makes a total army strength of 20 thousand at the very least. 30 thousand as the higher end of the estimate.

The Chauhan army would be at most ~30,000 in the second battle, and 20,000 in the first . Roughly same as the Ghurids, or a little smaller, if the Ghurids fielded more infantry. Can we make any comparisons to evaluate if our estimates are within sensible ranges?

 A comparison to Ghaznavids is useful as they were separated barely 100 years apart, and their territorial extent closely overlapped. Taking Ghaznavid numbers as accurate, their total strength was 47k cavalry, and 30k infantry. But this was for a kingdom extending from eastern Iran upto Punjab, defending against multiple enemy armies. The army that sultan Mahmud personally led was only 15k cavalry and 10k infantry. This aligns very closely with our calculated estimate of Ghurid army being 12k cavalry and 8-18k infantry, for a total of 20k to 30k!

In the first battle, Ferishta claims the Chauhans marched with a force of 200,000 horse and 3000 elephants. As we have seen above, the "200,000 horse" is more likely to be a force of 20,000 in total. But what about the elephants? After the second battle of Tarain and the capture of Delhi, the Ghurids took 14 elephants. After their victory over the Gahadvalas and conquest of much of their territory in 1194, they acquired 80. Comparing the number of elephants received in tribute over the next century, the numbers range from single digits, to at most 80-100. These high numbers are from the Eastern regions, which were famous for their dense forests and vast elephant herds. In light of this information, fielding 3000 elephants was out of question. Fielding even 300 was beyond possible. 30 is in the range of what was possible. From the discussion in the previous section on Chauhans, we estimated that cavalry formed no more than 10% of the total. Putting everything toegher, the army for Chauhans can be estimated to be 18-20 thousand infantry, upto 2000 cavalry, and 30-50 elephants.

First Battle of Tarain

 According to Minhaj, in 1191, Mhd. of Ghor marched to Tabarhind and is said to have captured it shortly. He left 1200 men in garrison in the fort and departed back for Lahore. While he was enroute, he received news that the Chauhan army was close to the fort, and hurried back to fight it. This Chauhan army is said to have been 200,000. Adjusting it for exaggerations as detailed earlier, this was likely a force of 20,000. This was a 500km march from the capital Ajmer. At 15km per day of marching, this implies the Chauhans required at least a month of marching. It would take at least a month or more to put this force together. With a minimum interval of 2 months in the interim, the claim that the fort surrendered immediately is not plausible. A garrison of 1200 is also quite large for a Medieval fort. Capturing it must have taken multiple assaults.

 Once it was garrisoned, the Ghurid army was on its way back but yet to reach Lahore when the Chauhan army arrived. The Ghurids retraced their path and faced off at the village of Tarain. We have no data on the Ghurid army size this time, but it was certainly smaller than the second battle, where we estimated the army size to be between 20 to 30 thousand. Against the Chauhan force of 20,000 , it was outnumbered.

 As the three divisions engaged, left, right and center, the two wings were the first to be driven back. Retreating from the Chauhan onslaught, both wings began retreating towards the center. Their surplus numbers enabled Chauhans to flank the Ghurids on both wings. Without the room to maneuver and forced to fight elephants head on, the Chauhans crushed Ghurid cavalry as well as infantry. The Chauhans would have also noted the Ghurid technique of defending against archery, and its relative ineffectiveness against them. Ghurid heavy cavalry could be warded off by dense formations of spearmen. The Chauhans did not need to make any particular changes for fighting Ghurids, as long as they had sufficient numbers.

 In a desperate attempt, the Ghurid sultan attempted to turn the battle by personally leading the attack on the enemy center. He was injured in the fighting and knocked off his horse. This broke Ghurid morale and the entire army turned tail. Even with their smaller army, the Ghurids had a much larger cavalry, at 40% vs the Chauhans 10%. This would make their retreat easier to execute, without any major casualties from being run down by the much smaller Chauhan cavalry.

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 After the battle, the Ghurid garrison still held out for almost a year before surrendering. Since it was recently garrisoned, their stocks must have been substantial, easing the pressure to surrender. The Chauhans probably did not want to take casualties when they could force a surrender by siege, and left the garrison on its own with a 13 month siege.

Second Battle of Tarain

 Minhaj's Tabakat-i-Nasiri reports from a trustworthy source that the total Ghurid cavalry strength for this campaign amounted to 120,000. We've already calculated above, a more accurate description of the army is 12,000 cavalry, 10,000 to 18,000 infantry, for a total of 25 to 30 thousand.

 The Taj-ul-Massir, by Hassan Nizami, who accompanied the Ghurids in this campaign, claims the Chauhan army to have been 300,000 in the second battle. Applying the same reduction, this makes it around 30,000. This time, there was an exchange of messengers, with the Chauhans asking the Ghurids to withdraw, showing a willingness to negotiate some territorial demands. The Ghurid commander replied that he did not have the authority to negotiate, and he will await a response from his brother, the sultan at their capital.

 The Chauhans had already won the first battle, they knew Ghurid strengths. There were no negotiations before the first battle. This makes it more likely the Chauhans were aware of the much stronger Ghurid army than the previous year. By delaying battle, they could have called up more reinforcements, tipping the balance in their favour. The Chauhan caution is an indication there was likely no numerical superiority. Regardless, the Chauhans are said to have let down their guard, and suffered heavily from an attack on their camp during the night.

 Considering the Chauhan strength to have been 20,000 by our estimates in the first battle, it is unlikely they were able to muster 10,000 extra troops. The number may have risen to a little higher, 22-25 thousand at best, by depleting some garrisons. From the events that followed the battle, the Chauhans remained strong in their southern provinces, so it is unlikely the strength that faced off at Tarain II was larger to any significant degree than the first battle.

The events of the battle are as follows.

The centre division of the army, the baggage, the standards and banners, his canopy of the state, and the elephants were left several miles in the rear. He marashalled his ranks, and was advancing leisurely. The lightly-armed and unincumbered horsemen he had dlirected should be divided into four divisions, and had appointed them to act against the infidels on four sides ; and the Sultan had commanded, saying  "It is necessary that, on the right and left, and front and rear, 10,000 mounted archers should keep the infidel host in play ; and, when their elephants, horsemen, and foot advance to the attack, you are to face about and keep the distance of a horse’s course in front of them." The Musalman troops acted according to these instructions, and, having exhausted and wearied the unbelievers, Almighty God gave the victory to Islam, and the infidel host was overthrown.

-Tabakat-i-Nasiri, Bibiliothetica Indica (1873), Page 467-468.

 The Ghurids learnt their lessons from the first battle. The Chauhan center was dangerous, engagement with it was to be avoided. The Ghurid center advanced much slower than their wings, staying behind and denying battle to the Chauhan center. But they had an extra secret weapon! 10,000 cavalry archers moved to the flanks and rear of the Chauhan infantry divisions and unleashed a storm of arrows upon them. Unable to withstand an attack from multiple sides, the Chauhan wings eventually broke, and with it, the center. As their army began their retreat, a large number were run down.

 Archers require line of sight. The effectiveness of the Central Asian composite bow was greatest at distances of upto 100 meters against armoured soldiers. It was still dangerous at 200 or 300 meters, but only to the unarmoured troops. Archers, both mounted and dismounted required a clear shot, which meant they were deployed either on the flanks, or dead center. On the flanks, foot archers were vulnerable to being charged by enemy cavalry. In this case, not only were Ghurid archers able to keep their distance from Chauhan infantry due to their horses, but their own heavy cavalry superiority meant they could also defeat Chauhan cavalry on the flanks. Once the Chauhan cavalry was out of the picture, the Chauhan flanks of both wings were defenceless!

Alternatives

If the Chauhan infantry turned to face the archers on their flanks, they could have formed shield walls. But that left them exposed to a cavalry charge from the Ghurid cavalry, as well as the Ghurid infantry in their front. The Ghurid infantry and cavalry archers acted as a hammer and anvil. One held the enemy in place, while the other struck.

Could the Chauhans have driven off the Ghurid cavalry archers with their own foot archers? Ghurid cavalry remained a threat. Moreoever, there was little reason for the Chauhans to field any sizeable number of foot archers, given their ineffectiveness against Ghurid infantry they would have observed in the first battle.

Another option was to keep more soldiers in reserves. This would have required marshalling far more soldiers than was perhaps possible for them. It could be that this was exactly the plan, due to which the Chauhans agreed for negotiations. It would buy them time for more reinforcements to arrive.

 Are there any similar battles in history? The battle of Carrhae (58BCE) comes close. 28,000 Roman infantry with 4000 cavalry faced a Persian army of ~10,000 made up of 9000 cavalry archers and 1000 heavy cavalry. In this case, the Persians fielded no infantry at all! The cavalry kept its distance from the Roman infantry formations. The Roman light cavalry of 4000 was no match for the Persian heavy cavalry. It was either destroyed or led away from the field. Without the support of their cavalry, the infantry had only two options. Either form shield walls to be protected from the arrows, or lower the spears to ward off the heavy cavalry. When they formed shield walls, they would get charged down by Persian heavy cavalry. If they tried to fight it, they would take severe casualties from the arrows. This was one of Rome's worst battlefield losses.

 In the battles of the Crusaders from Europe against the Turkish states in the Middle East around the same time as Tarain, the Europeans found a technological solution to the problem of fighting cavalry archers. The crossbow. Unlike an archer, who required a long time and lots of gold to train, a crossbow could be used by a peasant trained for a few weeks. It required no strength on his part, only the ability to reload and aim. Crossbows could not keep up the same rate of fire as an expert archer, but kings could field a much larger number of crossbowmen than archers.

Conclusion

A comparative study of army sizes, army compositions, tactics goes a long way to reconstructing battles and military campaigns. Instead of a case of superhuman Ghurids defeating an army three times their size, it paints a far more believable case of Ghurid tactical innovation to beat an army of equal size.

Battles are won and lost all the time. A competent state learns quickly from its losses and adapts. Not all tactics can be beaten by the army at hand. Armies are a byproduct of the society that produces them. It isn't possible to make sweeping changes overnight. In the absence of superior cavalry, the options for Chauhans were to field a large number of foot archers, adopt crossbows, or choose the sites of their battles carefully. The Ghurids were not amateurs, they knew when to fight and when to avoid battles. Their generals were veterans, as were their troops. Had the Chauhan state lasted longer, it is quite possible they would have adapted to use cavalry archers, crossbows, or some other new tactics.

Ultimately, what did them in was not their battlefield loss, which is something every state faces once in a while. It was the breakdown of the mandala system of diplomacy. The loss of Chauhans and fall of Delhi necessitated a strong counterattack from neighbours, the Gahadvalas and Gujarat Chalukyas to restore the balance of power. The Chauhans may not have been able to beat the Ghurids with equal strength. But if another 10,000 were present on the field, they could crush the Ghurid center & wings or defend the flanks. These battlefield victories would have bought them time to make the necessary societal and technological changes.

While merchants, adventuers travelled from the Middle East to all over the world, writing memoirs of their travels, the strengths and weaknesses of other states, the Indian states made no such efforts. The Chauhans were seemingly unaware of the tactics of Ghurids, their army composition, nor did they have any diplomatic ties with the Ghurids' own enemies to their north and west. Indian merchants, mercenary soldiers with exposure to the battles of the Crusaders would have made the rulers well aware of the extents of their enemies, their technology, military tactics, etc. In hindsight, the lessons were learnt eventually, with the rise of Sisodiyas of Mewar and the Rathores of Marwar. Kānhaḍade Prabandha, written in 1455, does an excellent job of describing tactics and army compositions of late 13th century. But that is a story for another time.

Acknowledgements

@Sapratha on Twitter provided valuable data about number of elephants captured at various times from Medieval records and compositions of Ghaznavid armies.

Books - English

Solstice at Panipat , Uday Kulkarni (2012)

Era of Bajirao, Uday Kulkarni (2016)

Extraordinary epoch of Nanasaheb Peshwa, Uday Kulkarni (2021)

Mastery of Hindustan, Uday Kulkarni (2022)

The Maratha Century, Uday Kulkarni (2021)

The First Republic, Venkat Rangan (2020)

Anglo-Maratha campaigns & the contest for India, Randolf Cooper (2007)

Shivaji His Life & Times, GB Mehendale (2012)

History of Marathas, G.S Sardesai (1949)

 Volume I  , Volume II , Volume III

History of the Maratha people, Kincaid (1922)

 Volume I , Volume II , Volume III

History of Marathas Volumes I-III, Grant Duff (1826)

New Cambrige History of India- The Marathas 1600-1818 , Stewart Gordon (2007)

Military System of the Marathas, SN Sen (1958)

Foreign Biographies of Shivaji, SN Sen (1927)

Administrative system of Marathas , SN Sen (1925)

Siva Chhatrapati (translation of Sabshad Bakhar), SN Sen (1920)

Early career of Kanhoji Angria, SN Sen (1941)

Panipat 1761, Shejwalkar (1946)

Marathi Primary Sources

Peshwe Daftar Volumes 1-40, GS Sardesai

Marathyanchya Itihasachi Sadhane, 22 Volumes, Rajwade

Selections from the Peshwe Diaries 6 volumes

Historical papers pertaining to Mahadji Shinde, GS Sardesai

Aitihasik Lekh Sangraha, Khare

Brahmendra Swami's Charitra

Vaidya Daftar

Aitihasik Patra Vyavahar

Aitihasik Farsi Sahitya

Select translations of some of the materials from above list

मराठी पुस्तके

मराठी रियासत आणि मराठ्यांचा इतिहास, गो. स. सरदेसाई

बखर पानिपतची , उदय कुलकर्णी + निनाद बेडेकर

श्रीमंत भाऊसाहेबांची कैफियत

ज्वलज्वलनतेजस संभाजीराजा, सदाशिव शिवडे

The present published volumes, contain many letters that lay out details of battles, military campaigns, tactics, siege operations, which have so far never been translated into English for a wider non Marathi audience.

This is an attempt to parse through the entire series, select important ones that offer more nuance than is presently known on military matters and strategy. Some volumes contain a great many letters worth translating, and some have very few, or none. I hope the researchers of Maratha military history find this useful in their study.

Volume I: Udgir

Volume II: Panipat

Volume III: Janjira

Volume X: Bajirao & the Nizam , Volume XII : Bajirao & Dabhade

Volume XIII: Malwa

Volume XIV : Bajirao's northern campaign, Volume XV: Bajirao in Delhi

Volume XVI: Liberation of Vasai & Bombay campaign

Volume XX: Bhonsles of Nagpur

Volume XXI: Balaji Bajirao's northern campaigns

Volume XXV: Balaji Bajirao & the Nizam

Volume XXVII: Balaji Bajirao's northern campaigns part II

Volume XXVIII: Balaji Bajirao's Carnatic campaigns

Volume XXXIV: Liberation of Vasai & Bombay campaign part II

Volume XXXVI: First Anglo Maratha War

Volume XXXVII: Peshwe Madhavrao's southern campaign - Part I , Part II, Part III

Historical Papers pertaining to Mahadji Shinde

Below is sets of letters contained in 'Historical Papers pertaining to Mahadji Shinde' edited by G.S Sardesai, which contain some valuable details of battles in the first Anglo Maratha war, and against other powers in the late 1700s.

First Anglo Maratha War - Northern theatre

Mahadji Shinde's battles in Hindustan

Maratha - Mysore wars

Aitihasik Lekh Sangraha

A series of some 15 volumes published from 1880s to 1930s by Vasudev Khare, it contains a great amount of detail about military matters, battles and army movements. This is a selection of important battles from all the volumes.

Volumes I - XV

Brahmendra Swami's Charitra

The Appendix contains letters sent by Bajirao, Chimaji Appa to Shri Brahmendra Swami, their guru. They contain details of important campaigns to Delhi, the Battle of Bhopal, and the Vasai campaign.

Letters to Brahmendra Swami

Vaidya Daftar

The Vaidya Daftar has several letters regarding Raghuji Bhonsle's Bengal campaigns between 1741-51.

Vaidya Daftar

Bhau Saheb’s Bakhar

This is a translation of the bakhar of Sadashivrao Bhau written shortly after 1761.

Bhau Saheb’s Bakhar

Aitihasik Patra Vyavahar

Several letters regarding treaties, battles and negotiations.

Letters

Nana Fadnavis writes to Pune about the battles before the final battle of Panipat.

Blessings to Chiranjeev Rajashri Morobaba from Balaji Janardan. We have halted at Panipat on Ch.19 Jamadila(kal?). It has been a long time since I received any letter from you. The news here is that we fought a big battle at Kunjpura. Abdus Samad Khan and others were killed. After that we also fought Abdali. Krishna Joshi Sangameshwarkar was killed by a bullet. Such was already written to you.

We have spread out our field guns across the line. We have dug trenches for the artillery everywhere. The army is positioned behind the artillery, ahead of the town of Panipat. The camp followers are ahead of the town, behind the army. We have given them 40-50 cannons for their defense. Our total numbers may be around 60 thousand.

One day their (enemy) force advanced for battle. Shindes’ men fought them hard and pushed them back to their camp. They lost around 600 men dead and wounded. We lost around 250. The final battle is yet to happen. After 15 days, on Ch.28 Rabilakhari, some 4 to 5 thousand of the enemy marched on the Shrimant’s position. Most of his army was to the rear. As soon as the fighting began, it seemed like it was the final battle. On that day, Balwantrao Ganpat was hit by a bullet in the chest and fell off his horse. His men rushed to his aid. Just then the Afghans closed in and cut off his head to carry it off. Just then our cavalry intercepted them and retrieved the body. We did his final rites properly. His wife entered the fire. (sati). On that day, the Afghans lost almost 1500 men to our cannonfire. We dont know how many of them had advanced in total. The fighting went on for approximately 3 ghatikas in the night. We lost 150 dead and 700 injured. We benefited greatly from this fighting, but the death of Balwantrao dampened spirits.

Govind Ballal had been sent letters multiple times, ordering him to enter the antarved and block Abdali’s supplies. Following these orders, he marched to Delhi. He gathered some men from Naro Shankar, and proceeded onwards. But Abdali sent 10 thousand handpicked cavalry and intercepted them. Some were slain and some driven off. Govindpant’s head was taken and sent to Shrimant. He lost around 300-400 men. His son escaped and went to Naro Shankar. Some of the scattered troops are still returning.

These (Afghans) are prone to doing stealth attacks, so we have deployed in Mughal fashion, with artillery spread out and trenches. For two months, we have been fighting here and there. Both sides are resolved to fight to the end. God will decide the truth. The expenditure is immense. Money is scarce, and prices are very high. Morale is dropping. Cannonballs (from the Afghans) even hit our camp.

No. 101 - 20 December 1761

Letter from Naro Shankar to his nephew Vishwasrao about the unrest in the north, and battle with the Nizam.

(Initial part of the letter is unrelated matters.)

Marching from Aurangabad, the Mughal (Nizam) laid waste to three provinces - Toke, Kaygaon, Pravarasangam. Even Shreesiddheshwar was plundered. All of this has caused substantial damage. Ascending the ghats, he marched into the plains. Near Chambhargondha, we fought a battle. On Ch.15 Jamadilawar, Sunday, my troops were the first to see action. Later, Shrimant Dadasaheb ( Raghunathrao) attacked them from their rear with cannons and rockets. We lost about 20 horses killed and another 40-50 wounded. The men are being counted. The Shrimant lost 150-200 gardis, and another 200-250 injured. The Mughal lost at least 150-200. From 2 prahars till the end of the day, the fighting continued. The Mughal was scared.

(Continues with political matters)

No. 212 - 5 May 1781

Ganesh Ballal Oak writing from Janjira about a battle with the English.

News from Mumbai, is that 19 officers fell in battle. 2 were senior, one equivalent rank to Goddard and one junior. In total, they lost 2500-3000 men wounded and killed. We have captured 4 to 5 thousand muskets. The English have not taken such a loss yet ever in India. They had grown overconfident. They are an embarassment in Mumbai. Everything is getting expensive there due to shortages. They are short on money. The moneylenders too are in trouble. The peasants have fled.

(continues discussing other matters).

No. 206 - 9 August, 1780

Letter sent by Sawai Madhavrao to Hyder Ali, about the treaty between them for alliance against the East India Company.

• The government (Swarajya) and the English are at war. You should declare war, and attack Chennapatanam, Arcot, Trichinopoly, and other English districts. Any territory you capture, half will be our share, and half yours. Half can be split between share of territory or its equivalent revenue in coin.
• The government will send sardars and armies against the English at Surat. You should march on Chennatpattanam. The Nawab Nizam Ali Khan Bahadur will checkmate them at Sikakol Raybandar.(?)
• Rao Raste’s brother will be with you with a force of 2000.
• If the English approach you with an offer of peace, you should not sign it before consulting us. Similarily, if we are approached, we will not sign it without discussions with you. Peace must be negotiated jointly when appropriate.
• Tirtharoop Raghunathrao, or his subordinates should not be entertained by you. Nor must they receive any assistance in coin or kind. If he sends an envoy, negotiations must be stopped.
• Chandavar is an old province of the Bhonsles(?). The English have stirred up disturbances. It must be returned to Bhonsles. This is only for your information.
• Of the territories of the English or Muhammad Ali Khan, whatever you capture, our government’s share is half. Instead of that territory, you may transfer to us a territory of equivalent value from your dominions elsewhere.
• If needed in an emergency, we may send a request. Make arrangements for 10 thousand troops and their expenses. Similarly, if needed, we can dispatch 5000 troops and manage their expense.
• With the exception of the forts and provinces you have seized beyond the Tungabhadra from us or the polygars, the ones in the south that you have captured as of now, are being ceded to you. The government will not make any demands from your districts. You should not disturb our provinces on the other side, nor send reinforcements to any troublemakers.
• The Nawab Nizam Ali Khan Bahadur is a friend of the government, and his provinces like Adoni should not be disturbed. The peshkash that you owe the government, of 15 lakhs should be sent with appropriate arrangements to Pune soon.
• From 1194 Hijri / Shaka 1702, you have contracted to remit 12 lakhs per year. This should continue.

No. 13

Battle of Merta

There was a distance of 10 kos between us. We readied ourselves by wearing armour, helmets, weapons. Gunpowder and shot was distributed among the troops and then marched. There were good omens during the march. The troops' morale went up. We had a total of 30 thousand. They were divided into 2 divisions. One commanded by Dattaji, and the other by Jayaji Shinde.

The two forces closed in. Bije Singh had amassed his entire army. All their artillery was readied. Until we came close, the fire from cannons, hathnals, shaturnals, jezails, rakhales and musketeers was heavy. Rockets hit us like rainfall. There was much firepower, and the smoke was heavy in the air. No one could see anyone else. We were deafened by the sound. For a moment, there was a pause. Then with cries of "Har Har", both sides' cavalry closed in melee. Our cavalry broke into their lines on both flanks. They kept up the fire (from cannons and muskets) as much as they could, then it turned into a clash of sword against sword. These being Rajputs, that too Hadas from Marwar, they were great warriors and their bravery is no surprise. But the Marathas also fought as hard. No one else fought like this. Many men fell on the field. It was a severe fight. Nothing like it before or after. The Marathas lost 500-700 elite troops killed and as many horses. More were injured. The Marwaris lost about 2000 dead. Some cannons and other equipment was captured. We had not intended to cause them any unnecessary loss, but they would not withdraw without heavy persistent attacks. Fighting in this manner, we forced them to retreat 2 kos. Shindes stayed on the ground and the trumpets and drums were sounded signalling victory. The injured were tended to. The elation from the victory cannot be put into letters. Only those who experience it will know it.

The Shindes defended their honour and camped there for the night. Guards were posted everywhere around the camp. But the Rajputs were in no condition to make a second attack. They had taken sizeable losses. The honour code in Hindustan is such that to be defeated, you do not need to flee several villages away. If they abandon the field, they are considered defeated. The Marwaris marched to Nagaur at night. Those men who took injuries from the front were lauded by their wives. It is heard in this province that if you have been injured from the front, it is acceptable, but if you have injuries on your back, you have brought dishonour from cowardice. The Rajput women are this brave, what more to praise of their men's bravery?

No. 56-57

Battle of Shukratal - Dattaji Shinde's battle with Najib Khan and the other Rohillas.

56

(Some initial part of the section is negotiations.)  On Bhadrapad 10, Friday, Shaka 1681, he marched to Shukratal with great bravery. But the terrain there was unsuitable for battle. There was no place to form up for battle for one kos. Taking positions in trenches, holes and pits, the Rohillas opened fire with cannons and rockets. We held the ground for 4 ghatikas, ( 96 minutes) and then retired one kos. From here, 2 kos, near Mirapur, we made camp. The Rohillas also captured any outposts we had in the Antarved. The Sayyid of Mirpur came to meet us. One Sayyid who came down south earlier is also from this clan from Mirpur. After meeting us, he marched off with drums beating early next morning. A cannon fire began. Orders were sent to return fire with our cannons. We started firing but found it difficult due to the terrain and trenchworks. If we aimed low, the shot would get stuck in the mud. If we aimed high, it would pass over their heads. We lost 10 to 15 men and horses from their cannon fire. This went on till the end of the Bhadrapad month. After building the bridge, Najib Khan's guru, Qutub Shah with a force of 10 thousand and camp followers had stayed behind. Along with them, Najib Khan had a force of 20 thousand, along with artillery. After the bridge was complete, supplies began arriving for the troops. Wheat, rice etc could be had for 30 sers per Rupee. In Shinde camp, we could only get 8 to 9 sers. Due to this, supplies were dropping as well as morale.

57

One day, Jankoji Shinde, along with Janrao Bavande, Naro Shankar, Jivaji Bhoite, and reinforcements from Delhi - Nagarmal, Bahadurkhan Balochi, and many others were engaged in an exchange of cannon fire. They kept up the fire and advanced on the Rohillas. Seeing this, Najib Khan's entire force marched out and advanced on us, and fought a pitched battle with Dattaji Shinde. The forces opposed to Jankoji at their artillery and marched out. Cannons, rockets, jezails were being fired on Dattaji's cavalry. They were unable to close in. The firepower of the Rohillas was severe. A messenger was dispatched to Jankoji to inform him that Dattaji has engaged the enemy in close quarters. On hearing this, Jankoji had the drums and nagaras sounded. Like his uncle, was he, equally brave. With cries of Har! Har! , the cavalry charged into their artillery. Charging through fire from cannons, jezails and rockets, they closed in with the Rohillas. There was a great thundering sound. Swords flashed and clashed with swords. Seeing this, Dattaji also reformed his line and charged a second time. This time they closed in and it turned into a sword fight. The fight was pushed back to their trenches. There was no way further ahead. The fire from the Rohilla guns was scorching. Dattaji's horse was shot near the trench. He stood up with a sword and slew a Rohilla in the trench. Jankoji, wounded came to his rescue. He was just 20 years old, but a great fighter. His horse was also shot under him and he had to dismount. He had some sword wounds on his body and a light spear wound on his ear. Dattaji was also wounded similarly with a spear and a bullet. They had fought well. Shindes had lost around 700 men dead. A great number of horses were lost. 2000- 2500 were wounded. He had a great sardar Jivaji Shinde, who commanded 3000 cavalry. He was slain. His son Hanmantrao Shinde was also lost. Some 200-250 bodies were left behind near the trenches, they could not be retrieved. The army retreated back to camp. There was a feeling of despondency in the camp. We had taken severe losses, and it took a week or two for many to recover. But we allowed no rest to Najib Khan, and artillery fire continued every day.

No. 68, 70, 71

Dattaji Shinde battles with Abdali near Kurukshetra before his junction with the Rohillas.

68

The next day Dattaji Shinde marched to the bank of the Yamuna near Kunjpura. Just then we got news that the Afghan army is near Kurukshetra. Dattaji sent the camp followers to Delhi. He decided to engage the Afghan army before it joins with the Rohillas and Shuja, and marched to Panipat. Another report from the scouts said that the Afghans are now within 16 kos.

(There is some conversation between Dattaji and his sardars).

They halted thre for the night. By the time we got the news, Abdali was at a distance of 20 kos. Jivaji Bhoite, Naikji Bhoite, Govindpant Bundele, Antaji Maneshwar's son along with 15 thousand troops was sent as vanguard. They travelled ahead and intercepted the Afghan army at a distance of 16 kos. But by God's decision, it was a bad time for us. The Durrani was not a man to fight on the plains. He formed a tight formation with his army, and moved on the Yamuna bank far from the road closer to Kumaon. The vanguard thought the Afghans were afraid of facing the Maratha vanguard, and thought they will attack right now without waiting for Dattaji and win laurels for ourselves.

70

The Afghan army took a position on small islands in the river, on the steep bank, and the marshy land. As soon as the Afghans positioned themselves, their camp followers fled to the other side of the river. He had a force of 25 thousand cavalry, 500 to 700 zamburaks, 200-300 rocket carrying camels, 50 light field cannons. The dust from Dattaji Shinde's force was now visible.

Naikji Bhoite, Jivaji Bhoite, Govindpant Bundelele started their attack. By positioning them well, he unleashed fire from the field cannons, rockets and zamburaks together as we got in range. Bhoites could not even see the enemy clearly. They were brave men, but on this day their courage failed them and they started fleeing. Seeing this, their soldiers too started fleeing. If the father and son won't stand, how will their troops? The Afghan cavalry now counter charged and started cutting off heads of fallen troops. Their commanders would reward them with 5 rupees for each head brought to them. They cut off enough heads to earn 2500 Rupees! As this mass of our soldiers and Afghans were moving away fast, Dattaji's force arrived.

Even Dattaji, a great warrior, who had defeated the Rathores of Marwar, was plunged in grief by the sight of what had happened and kept standing. He could not reinforce the retreating troops as they were completely disordered. No matter where he could move his force, they would get disrupted completely. The Afghans got a free hand in killing the wounded and cutting off their heads to take them back. They cut off the noses of these heads and made a big pile of it. 2500 heads, not a small number!

71

Dattaji Shinde stood there for 3 prahars and stabilized his army. Eventually he retreated. Abdali moved his forces from the river bank to beyond the river. The next day, he went and met Najib Khan at Mirapur. Shuja ud Daula also marched with 50 thousand troops and 300 cannons. From Anupshahar, Ahmedkhan Pathan went to meet them with 10 thousand cavalry. In total, an assembly of 140,000 troops.

No. 75 , 76, 77

Battle of Delhi

75

Durrani's army and artillery crossed over from the other bank of the Yamuna. It was an evil time for us, so the river allowed him a crossing. More cannons were firing on us from the other side. Janrao Wable got impatient at the ghat. Keeping the camel swivel guns shaturnals in the front and hathnals and cavalry behind it, their army started crossing. It was 5 ghatikas in the day. Just then Janrao Wable's horseman came galloping to Dattaji and informed him " My lord, why are you resting at ease? Half of the Durrani army has crossed the Yamuna. We are unable to hold them back. Cannon fire has killed 150 of our men." Sabaji Shinde's son Bayaji Shinde was sitting nearby. On hearing this, he was ordered to go and reinforce Wable. Sabaji said

"Patil saheb, you may think we retreated from Lahore without fighting the Afghans. But against the 40 thousand Afghans, what could we do with our 10 thousand? It is a similar situation now. But my lord is at hand. For years I have eaten your salt. I will do as commanded."

On hearing this, Dattaji replied -

"Bayaji, you have always been a great soldier. You are not new to war. It would not be surprising if you fought, it would be if you did not. There is no cause for concern, stay true to your duty."

With his force of 5 to 7 thousand, Bayaji marched quickly, crossing rivulets and smaller river channels. He came face to face directly with the Durrani army. Bayaji thought, he would be unable to face Dattaji if he returned, as the Durrani army had crossed fully. He decided to fight and charged with his cavalry. In the ensuing fighting, he was hit by a bullet and fell. In sand and water. Along with him, his 10 bodyguards fell as well. Our forces left the ghat. The combined Rohilla and Afghan forces deployed their forces at the ghat. Until this point, Durrani was wary of facing Dattaji.

76

A horseman from Bayaji's contingent rushed to Dattaji and said "Patil saheb, Bayaji has fallen. The Afghans have crossed and seized the ghat". Dattaji immediately sounded the nagaras and got on his horse. The army was ready. Jankoji put on his mail armour. Dattaji, in anger, removed his armour. He said, "Today we will not seek battle. Malharrao Holkar is close. He will be here in two days. Once his army joins us, we will fight together."

Saying thus, he took off his armour. He moved towards the ghat on horseback and the force assembled. While the army paraded for inspection, they were ordered to move with the flag and standards. Along the Yamuna bank, the terrain was very unsuitable for cavalry. There were many islands. It was hard to get a clear field of view even in day time. The grass was overgrown and very dense, offering easy places to hide. Much of the army could not clearly see the rest. The flag went right into the warzone. From both sides, we were hit by cannons, rockets, and mortars and muskets. We were caught in a firestorm the way food is roasted. Due to the lack of space, the army crowded closely together. Rockets fell like rain. Men and horses started falling. The air was thick with smoke and visibility dropped. Before this, Marathas had never seen a fight like this. Nor before nor after. This went on for 2 ghatikas. (48 minutes). 2 kos from here, at a ghat, was Govindpant Bundelele. Crossing the Yamuna, he attacked the Afghans. He was trapped there and unable to relieve this army. Five to seven hundred men lost their heads.  Near Delhi, at Rajghat, Maloji Shinde moved to relieve this force. This force was surrounded by the Afghans. Just as he had advanced a few hundred meters, he thought, "Dattaji always chastises me. What face will I show him now?" He charged and was killed. His body couldn't be found.

Meanwhile, near Dattaji, the fighting was severe. Some 500 men fell near the flag. Already the army's morale was low. That too in a bad place. It was a large army, 40 thousand, not a small number. But in the grass, it was impossible to see anything. Near the flag, Jankoji Shinde was already injured. Dattaji Shinde was in the right of the flag. He was standing with 25 of his guards. Both sides were wary of each other and had not yet charged. Just then, another ghatika passed. It had now been 8 ghatikas. 500 men were slain there. As many horses. Even more injured. A sardar, Tanhaji Kharde said

"Patil saheb, Durrani's army has fully crossed. Govindpant has been destroyed already, as have Maloji. The flag is without defence. It is a matter of honour. It is better to take the flag and retreat."

Dattaji replied-

"With (your) death, the world's death. Whose honour is going to be saved or lost? What more is left to retreat from? The battle is already lost. If we withdraw the flag, what is left will rout. Should I flee? What face will I show when I return to my country as Dattaji?"

Kharde recommended that even Gods and Danavas retreated at times, and it is better to withdraw to fight another day. Dattaji flatly refused, and said

"This Kandahar's king has marched on us. If God rewards me with death on the battlefield, I will embrace it. Yogis meditate so that they may get moksha. But Kshatriya Dharma is to fearlessly face death when it comes on the battlefield. God rewards it just as much. On one hand is disgrace and Narak, on the other is death. I would prefer death."

Saying so, he stood up and mounted his horse.

77

Jankoji was defending the flag with great difficulty. His right arm was pierced by a bullet. He fell off his horse and almost got trampled. A khijmatgar standing nearby ran to Dattaji, and in a fearful voice, informed him that Jankoji has died from a bullet. Dattaji was despondent, and said - "I cannot show my face at home. It is better if I get death on the battlefield." Saying thus, he charged with his cavalry on the forces of Qutub Shah in his front. Of his 18 guards, 11 fell in the charge. After their charge, they retired some distance and opened fire with their muskets. Yashwantrao Jagdale Thoralekar was killed by a bullet. His brother Piraji was also with him. He tried hard to retrieve his brother's body, but to no avail and had to retreat.

Dattaji was hit by a bullet in his chest as he was turning his horse Lalmani. He was knocked down from the horse by the force of the impact. Rajaram Chopdar and Raghoba Shenbai Pagnis were nearby. They thought- "We have eaten his food for years, it is better to die than abandon him." They dismounted and tried to save him. He was injured but still alive. But his force lost hope. It became impossible to rescue him. Qutub Shah and his guards arrived nearby.

Raghoba Paga instructed Rajaram Chopdar-

"Go to Qutub Shah and inform him that Dattaji is injured on the field, and request Shah to save him. If Durrani's men find him, they will kill him."

As Qutub Shah neared, Chopdar saluted him. After informing him, Qutub Shah dismounted and approached the spot where Dattaji was sitting. Qutub Shah asked him-

"Patil saheb, do you still intend to fight us more?"

Dattaji knew Qutub Shah will make no effort to save him, and these conversations are useless. He replied,

"By God's will, if I survive, I will fight more."

On hearing this, Qutub Shah took out his dagger and stabbed Dattaji. Raghoba and Chopdar tried their best, offering upto 10 million Rupees in compensation for saving him, but to no avail. By now it was 8 ghatikas. The drums were sounded and Qutub Shah went to meet Najib Khan to celebrate their victory.

No. 107

Battle of Kunjpura

After a council of war, in which Bhausaheb, Balwantrao Mehendale, Jankoji Shinde, Malharrao Holkar, Damaji Gaekwad, Yashwantrao Pawar, Vithal Shivdev, Shamsher Bahadur, Ibrahim Gardi and others participated, it was decided that "Qutub Shah, Shaimat Khan the murderers are at Kunjpura. We should destroy them while they are there, and capture the fort." At an auspicious time (muhurat), the army marched to Kunjpura. The enemy was informed of our intentions. They were alert. They prepared to receive our attack, entrenching themselves outside the fort. The armies made contact. The air was thick with the firing of cannons, rockets. Men could not see men. This firing continued for 1 prahar. The cavalry was unable to break in.

Bhausaheb ordered Balwantrao "Split into three divisions and attack". The army was formed up into three divisions. On one side was Shamsher Bahadur, Damaji Gaekwad, Naro Shankar, and on the other wing was Yashwant Pawar, Ibrahim Khan Gardi. (The center must be Bhau and the huzurat). Both wings attacked first. For 2 ghatikas (40 mins) there was heavy fighting on both sides. Qutub Shah lost a number of good soldiers. By then the cavalry surrounded them from all sides and attacked with the war cry of "Har Har". Attacked from all sides, their army was crushed. The men outside were unable to retreat within. On this day, the Marathas did not hold back. Anyone within reach was slain immediately. 5 to 7 thousand men of theirs were slain in this attack. The rest were injured. Their bodies were stacked together in heaps, the dead as well as wounded. The town was intact so far. It was sacked thoroughly. A great amount of plunder was found. Najib Khan's guide Qutub Shah was captured. Bhau saheb, Jankoji Shinde and Malharrao Holkar were at one place. There was a scramble for the spoils. Some took horses, some took camels, some elephants. Everyone got as per their fortune. When Dattaji was slain, his elephant Jawahargaj was taken by Qutub Shah. It was also recovered.  On that day, the happiness of Shindes knew no bounds.

No. 125 - 133

Battle of Panipat III

Volume II

No. 29 - April 26, 1741

Raghuji Bhonsle's capture of Trichinopoly. Letter is in 3 parts.

1

Salutations from your employee Nilkanth Raghunath. I am writing from Kolar. The army marched to Trichinopoly and sieged it for three months. By divine fortune, the place was surrendered to us. Rajashri Sena Saheb Subha exerted himself with great efforts to secure it. He boldly stood in the line of fire from the fort when we attacked. The army too advanced through the enemy's shots to retaliate. When Rajashri Fatehsingh Bhonsle arrived here, Chanda Khan's diwan Ramrao met us and offered 2 lakh if we retire. Rajashri Raghuji refused and announced he will capture the fortress at any cost. Rajashri Fatehsingh Bhonsle then withdrew his involvement, and wanted to see how Rajashri Raghuji achieves this.

While this happened, Chanda Khan's brother Badekhan marched with 5 thousand Pathans on our position from Madurai. When he got to within 7 kos of our position, we were alerted. Rajashri Bhaskar Pandit readied his army and marched out. Along with him, Ra. Fatehsingh's cavalry, Haybatrao Jadhav's forces, some pindaries and Gorikhoji Bhapkar marched together and destroyed this force and killed Badekhan. The honour was the force of Bhaskarpant's.  God granted us victory. On Ramnavmi, Saturday, at 3 ghatikas in the night, Trichinopoly was taken and Ra. Fatehsingh's flag was hoisted on it. Chanda Khan was taken prisoner to our camp. His ransom was set at 4 lakhs. He is currently held in Ra. Bhaskarpandit's camp. Bhaskarpandit has left for Varad.

2

Ever since the capture of Trichinopoly, Ra. Raghuji was not content. He fell sick and had high fever. It kept rising and did not cool off. We lost hope. But by God's grace, after 5 to 7 days we got hopeful he will recover. Now it seems he will recover eventually. Though there is still weakness. No remedy was working. By God's will he was saved. Trichinopoly was taken but given to Ra. Fatehsingh Bhonsle.  He deputed Murrarji Ghorpade as its commander and he marched away. You might say, why did Ra. Raghuji not garrison his own men and keep the fortress? How will we capture a place and raise our standard on it without the Swami's (Chhatrapati Shahu) orders? Hence it was handed to Fatehsingh Bhonsle. We will see what happens. The fortress is very strong.

3

Ra. Fatehsingh has lost a good opportunity. From the day Trichinopoly was captured, it is now his responsibility. Not a single soldier of ours is there now. But the Swami should remember our contributions and deeds. I am content with what the Swami rewards us with. Convey this to him, I have full confidence in you.

Volume IV

1743 : No. 14 - May 6, 1743

Purushottam Shevde writes to Vishwanath Bhat at Satara of Raghuji's capture of Cuttack, the defeat of Mustafa Khan who marched on them with 10 thousand, and the clash with Alivardi Khan.

(The start of the letter is irrelevant matters).

Shrimant Raghojibaba marched into Bengal. He captured the fortress of Cuttack. After arranging for its garrison, and keeping the camp followers there, he marched further ahead. Alivardi Khan had dispatched Mustafa Khan with a force of 10 thousand cavalry. We were marching slowly, and encountered Mustafa Khan's force. In the battle that followed, we routed his army and captured him. A force of 10 thousand was destroyed. From there, they intercepted Alivardi. Such is the news. I will send more updates as I receive them.

1743 : No. 18 - June 5, 1743

Raghoji Bhonsle writes to the Vaidya brothers about the clash with the Pantpradhan Balaji Bajirao, and the activities in Bengal campaign.

Rajashri Bhaskarram ( Bhaskar Pandit Kolhatkar) marched with our army to Murshidabad and back. They fought a pitched battle with Bardikhan (Alivardi Khan) who retreated to his cantonments.

I went to reinforce him, to Gaya. Pantpradhan Balaji Bajirao also arrived in the province with his army. He sent a high ranking envoy to meet me. We met him and discussed various matters. We took his leave and marched towards Murshidabad to fight the Mughals, halting at Katwa-ganj. Just then, a proposal arrived from the Mughal seeking terms, and offering rights to tax collectors (Revenue from some provinces). Just then the Pantpradhan's army marched towards us, and sent a message to the Mughal that "I am here to reinforce you. He has received a request from the Mughal emperor, and we should combine our forces and push out the invader." Saying thus, he marched on our army along with the Mughal. This has already been written to you earlier.

Then we marched to the vicinity of Ramgadh-Badami. The Pantpradhan sent the Mughals to Murshidabad, while he marched towards Gaya. Nizam Ali's high ranking envoy, Sheshrao, is with Alivardi. He has sent us a letter that the Mughals want to make peace with you, but you should retire to your lands along with Rajashri Bhaskarram. Bhaskarram has accordingly been asked to withdraw. With our own army, we camped near Bendu Ghat. Next day, we climbed the Ghat and advanced 4 to 5 kos. The army column was climbing the ghats- with some already at the summit and the others climbing. Rajashri Pantpradhan had made long marches during the night and already reached our rear. There was some skirmishing between their vanguard and our rearguard. About 100-200 men and horses were killed or injured in total. As soon as we got news of this, we turned around and returned. By then our men had pushed them back, and the day was ending, so we returned to camp. In this way, he has created disruptions. This news is being written to be reported to the Swami. (Chhatrapati Shahu). Then he will know. We have now arrived in Nagpur along with the army.

1743 : No. 24 - July 7, 1743

A document where the Chhatrapati clearly demarcates spheres of influence for the Peshwa and Raghuji.

- Murshidabad, Patna, Lucknow (Raghuji's sphere of influence)

- Malwa, Prayag, Angre, Ajmer (Peshwa's sphere of influence)

If a treaty is made for 1 crore tankas near Patna, 3 lakh rupees should be taken. If it is less, it should be proportionate. For 2 years, his army should not enter the province. Do not break treaties after sending agreements. If it (revenue) is from Antarved or Prayag, he should take it, otherwise except Prayag, it should be assigned to me. Gadhamandala and other regions should also be assigned to me. If it is Malwa, Babti, Sardeshmukhi (types of taxes) should be taken by me and Mogali(?) should go to him. Nemad, Badesarkar, and Makdai's revenue should be transferred to us. Without a treaty, he should collect from these provinces. Both should reinforce each other when requested. Each other's provinces should not be troubled. There are 4 mahals enroute to Patna, they should be given to us. Do not support the emperor's flag at Murshidabad, Patna and Lucknow, nor should his forces be present there. We will assign 3 lakhs from Patna. Each year, it will be paid to an assigned collector. Otherwise there should be no further involvement.

1745 : No. 22 - 12 May, 1745- 206

Capture of Cuttack.

Blessings from Rajamanya Shri Raghoji Bhonsle Sena Sahib Subha. I have previously written from Varad. After making arranagements at Devgadh, we marched to Bengal province. Marching via Dhamtari and Raypur, keeping Samalpur to our left, we reached the vicinty of Cuttack in the month of Phalgun. When they got news of our march, Alivardi's officers and sardars gathered in force and moved three marches ahead of the city. When we learnt of this, we kept our camp followers behind, and by making long marches, covered the distance in one day and on Dwadashi, we reached. The Mughals who were outside the fort, fled to the fort's safety. We invested the fort the same day. The fort was well stocked and built, but by the Swami's fortune, on Ch. 14 Rabilvari, the fort surrendered. The Mughal's troops and officers were removed. We deployed our own garrison and started the march to Murshidabad. I will send more updates later.

1745: No. 29 - 13 July, 1745

The capture of Cuttack after 2 months of siege, surrender of Alivardi's diwan's son.

They marched to Cuttack. As described earlier, they invested it right away. The fort was well built and stocked. After 2 months of fighting, on Ch. 14 Rabilavar, the fort surrendered. Dulabhram, the son of Alivardi's Diwan Jankiram, was captured. They took him with them and marched to Murshidabad. The Shrimant has informed me that he will quarter in that province this season.

Letters from Bajirao

No. 27

A letter from Bajirao to Chimaji Appa, forwarded by him to Swami. This covers the details of the Delhi expedition.

I am writing from the vicinity of Sawai Jainagar (Jaipur). We kept the camp followers with Raja Jagatraj (the second son of Raja Chhatrasal). From there, we marched in separate columns. The letters dispatched with the messenger Chaturbhuj, about the battle with Sadatkhan must have been received. Sadat Khan crossed the Yamuna and camped near Agra. We wanted to engage him in battle, but he took shelter of the town. It would have been difficult to fight with the cover of the town. We could march along the Gambhir (a tributary of the Yamuna river), but the terrain is full of obstacles.  Khan Dauran and Md. Bangash were also marching with their armies to Agra. Their combined force would be too great to fight. So it was imprudent to stay there much longer. Secondly, Sadat Khan had written to the Mogul emperor, Khan Dauran, Kamruddin Khan -

"The Maratha army that crossed the Yamuna has been routed. We slew 2000 cavalry, and another 2000 drowned in the river. Malharji Holkar and Vithoba Bule fought well. Bajirao's attempt to attack has been repulsed. His force is no more. After defeating this force, we will now cross the Chambal."

In addition, he has boasted much. He has ingratiated himself to the emperor. The emperor has honoured him with ceremonial robes, pearls, daggers (sirpav) and elephants. Even his envoy (vakil) was given daggers. He has also boasted to many other sardars. Rajashri Dhondo Govind (the Peshwa's envoy to the Mughal court) has written to me about it. In short, he says our force is lifeless, and incapable of doing anything more. He thinks we are in hiding. You have seen how the Mughals act. They talk much, but do little. Their emperor should know the truth. Either I can attack Sadat Khan and face his army, or march to Delhi and burn it down. Then my presence will be felt. Seeing that Sadat Khan is not leaving Agra, I resolved to go to Delhi. With this intention, we left the Royal road and instead marched through the province of Damansingh Chudaman Jat from a mountainous route. Khan Dauran and Md. Bangash went to Agra and met Sadat Khan. Dhondopant was with Khan Dauran. Sadat Khan told Khan Dauran -

"I have destroyed Bajirao's force. His camp followers fled. He and his elite guard also retired beyond the Chambal. Yet you honour him by keeping his envoy with you. This is improper behavior, you should dismiss him."

Subsequently, Dhondopant was informed of this discussion. Khan Dauran did not say so only because Sadat Khan told him. But without much thought, he dismissed him. So he left and joined us. Kamruddin Khan and Ajmulla Khan were enroute. We did not stop to engage them. They were at a distance of 7 kos (about 21km) to our right. We marched very long, 20 kos at a time, twice. Keeping the Kalika Devi  temple and Barapulla to our right, and leaving it behind, we camped at a place called Kushbandi near Delhi.

Delhi is a great ancient city. Burning it to the ground would severely hurt the Mughal emperor, which is not of any benefit to us. His sardars have prevented signing a new treaty. Once we cross the point of no return, the thread of diplomacy is broken permanently. So I decided against burning the city, and instead only sent letters to the Mughal and Raja Bakhtmal. A few ceremonial horses, elephants, camels had come from the city, which we seized. A lot of the city's residents were outisde for the Bhavani Yatra, who were panicked by our army's presence and fled back into the city. The next day, without informing the Mughal emperor, Raja Bakhtmal sent a reply asking to send Dhondopant. So we moved closer to the city. There was chaos in the city, so we did not send anyone. I sent a letter-

"Send a high ranking envoy to negotiate. My army's presence so close to the city will cause problems, so I am moving camp to the Jheel tank.".

While passing the city, the emperor sent Mir Hasan Khoka daroga, the elite guard, Nawab Amir Khan, Khoje Rojafjukhan , Raja Shivsingh jematdar risal-e-amir, and Muzzaffarkhan naib-bakshi ahadi, along with Khan Dauran's brother with a force of 7 to 8 thousand elite cavalry near Rikabang(?). Rajashri Satvoji Jadhav was marching ahead of the column. He skirmished with them and retired to inform us. He sent a messenger to inform us. Rajashri Malharji Holkar, Ranoji Shinde, Rajashri Tukoji Pawar, Jivji Pawar, Yashwantrao Pawar, Manaji Paygude, and Govind Hari were dispatched in response. They engaged the Moguls and destroyed their force. 12 of their important sardars were slain. Nawab Mir Hasan Khan was taken away by them injured. At one outpost, the Mughals lost 300 men dead, many more injured. The rest fled to the city. We captured about 2000 horses from them.

Rajashri Ranoji Shinde's man, Indraji Kadam was hit by a bullet and lost two fingers. No major sardar was killed on our side, though some were injured. We halted again at the Jheel water tank. Only 4 ghatikas of daylight were left in the day. Just then we received news that Kamruddin Khan has arrived in the vicinty. We readied the army and immediately formed up to face him. We fought a battle. Rajahshri Yashwantrao Pawar seized one of their elephants. We routed him and captured more horses and camels. We thought of using the night to encircle the Mughal force. But the Jheel tank is 16 kos in length. On its right is Kamruddin Khan, ahead of it is the city. Secondly, messengers had left Delhi already informing Sadat Khan, and Nawab Khan Dauran of my presence here. They immediately marched with a force of 25 to 30 thousand and had already covered 32 kos. The next day they were 25 kos from Alivardi canal. On Thursday, all their armies will combine- Khan Dauran, Sadat Khan, Kamruddin Khan and Bangash. They will have the city, and their combined force is too large to fight. Leaving the Moghul behind, we marched 4 kos. Firanjogi Patankar was shot by a bullet in the earlier battle and passed away. Few more men and horses had been injured.

On Thursday, all their armies combined. They have now camped near the Jheel tank. We tried to bait their vanguard to follow us and separate it and destroy it, for which we moved near Revari(?), Kotputli, Manoharpur. But the Mughals refused to leave the Jheel tank. We received news that Mir Hasan Khoka, who had been injured earlier, died of his wounds. Khan Dauran was sending letter after letter to Rajashri Sawai Jaisingh. In response, he mobilized a force of 15 to 16 thousand, along with artillery, and camped at Basava, near Jaipur. He is going to meet Khan Dauran. Sawaiji has separately written to me requesting me not to damage his provinces. Our envoy Vyankoji Ram is with him. Our communication is through him. I have reassured him that I will not march into his provinces. In return, he will supply us with grain and fodder. Abhay Singh is at Jodhpur.

We will first collect the pending tax dues from Bhadavar, Gwalior. If the Mughals follow us, we will keep skirmishing with them and ravage their lands. Do not worry about us. The main object was to build good ties with the Mughal emperor and Khan Dauran, (while he alienates others). The Mughal is now panicked, and has lost the trust in Sadat Khan entirely. If the Mughals want to negotiate peacefully, well and good. If not, we are ready for war. We will eventually negotiate for the lands with the exception of Delhi suburbs, which are the emperor's personal lands. That leaves Sonipat, Panipat, and the lands beyond. We will overrun it all eventually. If the Mughals stay in Delhi, we will go to the doab via Agra and sack it. If the Nawab Nizam ul Mulk arrives here, you should checkmate him in the Deccan, and ravage his lands, that will force him to retire.

No. 33

Letter from Bajirao to Chimaji describing the battle of Bhopal. Forwarded to Swami.

When we heard that the Nawab Nizam ul Mulk has moved to Malwa, we marched to face him. When we were at a distance of 8 to 9 kos, the Nawab's army changed course, and marched to the safety of the Bhopal fort. They deployed with a lake behind them, and a broken ground/canal in the front. We marched and reached them on the same day. Sawaiji's son, Sabhasingh Bundele, Jats, and the royal forces and the artillery were all deployed on the front. I was standing with our elite guard observing the enemy. Our commanders were Rajashri Ranoji Shinde, Pilaji Jadhavrao, Sayaji Gujar. Along with some other regiments (pathaks), they charged the Rajputs in center of their line. They took heavy fire on their flanks from the Nizam's field pieces. They slew 150 of the Rajputs, and we lost 50. Another 200-400 are wounded. We captured about 100 horses, but 500 to 700 are wounded.

If there had not been a canal in the front of the artillery, we would have been able to deploy our full force and wipe out their line. After the engagement on the first day, we camped at a range of 2 rockets from the Nizam. If we had intercepted the Nizam at one or two day's march from here, he would not have been able to defend himself. Alas, he was able to get here and entrench himself. After the first day's fight, we waited for 3 or 4 days. The Nawab sent his own camp followers, as well the ones with the Rajputs, Jats and others to the Bhopal city. He moved his camp and tents to the rear as well. Every day, he climbs the elephant, and the armies stand ready for battle, but don't sally out. Now all the tents and baggage has been moved behind to the fort.

They are now running short of grain and fodder. In 4 days, a whole Rupee gets them only 4 sers of grain. Let us wait and watch. Fodder for the elephants and horses is also running low. One day they fed them the greenery on the trees and the grass at the lake. Now that is depleted. All the different groups - the Rajputs, Jats, Mughals now distrust each other. They would have left his army entirely, but the Nawab had cleverly sent their baggage and camp followers to the Bhopal fort. They were unwilling to step out for battle, not knowing if one of them will turn on the other. By now, we deployed our men on all sides of their camp. All night, we send men into the broken ground to fire rockets and muskets in their midst. They are losing men, and it is creating chaos in their camp. They form up every time expecting an attack. We have kept this up for three days, and they haven't got any sleep, and completely exhausted.

The Nawab and the Rajputs tried to form up for battle, but came under heavy fire before they could deploy, and returned to their entrenchments. There is continuous dispatch of messengers to Delhi. What happened to Bangash will happen to the Nawab. The Nawab is a great amir, with an army of 30 to 40 thousand. He has hathnals (handheld rocket launcher), shaturnals (camel gun), barakandaz (matchlockmen) and rakhales (carriage mounted artillery- horse artillery) in great numbers. With such an army, to seek shelter of a fort is embarassing. He is waiting, because he is hoping that another relief army will be dispatched from Delhi. He has sent such a request to Delhi. The emperor has written to Kamruddin Khan and Khan Dauran not to leave of their own accord, and only march with the emperor. But he has stayed in Delhi, and it seems he won't go anywhere.

The second hope is another relief army from the south. Every day, a few cohorts are mobilized. Perhaps they will amass a large number and come to the Nawab's aid. If Chimaji checkmates this force right in the south, it won't be able to make it here. We have just enough forces to face the Nawab. If he gets reinforcements, it will be tough for us. Hence, exert all efforts to stop his relief army. Gather any forces you can find for this and keep them with you. Although Dabhade and Bande have not sent their forces here, summon their men and keep them with you. Bring some forces with Rajashri Swami (Chhatrapati Shahu) to your camp. Write to Chiranjeev Rajashri Mahadoba to request the king to send Rajashri Fatesingh, Rajashri Shambusingh Jadhavrav, and the sarlashkar. All of these should gather any men they can at a quick notice, and checkmate the Nizam's southern army. The Nizam should not be able to get any reinforcements from anywhere.

Once this battle is won, the south will be secure permanently. This is a great opportunity even to collect a hefty war indemnity and settle old debts. With the army we have, we fight day and night as best we can. Rajashri Avji Kavde has arrived with more supplies. Rajashri Ranoji Bhonsle's Dakde(?) has arrived. But he is on our side. He has not contributed troops for campaigns even for the king. At least he should come now. If he does not, he will only be collecting revenue from his provinces for nothing. Use whatever means to mobilize him. Shahjahanpur's Mogul (a sardar of the Nizam) marched with a relief force, which was ambushed by Rajashri Malharba and Ranba (Ranoji Shinde) and Yashwantrav Pawar, and 1500 of their army was slain, the rest fled. If Ranoji Bhonsle joins us, it is well. If not, it is acceptable if his army joins your army. Write to us of the arrangements.

No. 34

Continues with further updates of the battle of Bhopal.

The news from here is that the Nizam positioned himself defensively at the fortress at Bhopal. On Ch. 3 Ramzan, we fought a battle. The nawab then sent his camp followers to the protection of the fortress. I have written to you about this before. We have now cut off the fortress's supply and erected batteries. Food is very expensive in his camp, and they have run out of forage. In despair, the Nawab dispatched Anandrao Sumant for negotiations. After explaining my demands, I dispatched Rajashri Baburao Malhar with him to the Nawab. The Nawab asked us to send Rajashri Pilaji Jadhavrao and other important sardars early in the morning. Baburao Malhar returned to the camp.

On Ch. 14 Ramzan ( 26 December 1737), Abdul Khair Khan, Sayyid Lashkar Khan, Anwar Khan and Sumant walked to the hill ahead of their camp. We sent Rajashri Pilaji Jadhavrao, Rajashri Baji Bhivrao, and Rajashri Baburao Malhar. They met and negotiations began. Our men explained our demands. They agreed and admitted that the Nawab will agree to your demands, but the Nawab's reputation is at stake, and must be protected.

"Early in the morning, the Nawab will set out. Retire your army one kos. Our three envoys will come to meet you. They will negotiate."

We retired one kos as agreed. The Nawab marched out and halted at the lake. Abdul Khair Khan and Anwar Khan came to our army. The main points of the treaty were discussed. They announced they will get such an understanding from the Nawab, and returned to their camp. However, no further communication happened. The Nawab beat his drums and then returned to the fort. Then Rajashri Avji Kavde and Rajashri Yashwantrao Pawar opened fire. They marched ahead and engaged the Jat soldiers on the other side. The Nawab returned. We readied the rest of the army. The Nawab moved his artillery to a distance of half a kos from Bhopal and kept up continuous fire from 2 prahars in the day till night.

After this, he left even his spot at the lake, and went to the fort, where the camp followers had already been sent. He is now stuck in the fort, without any options. The Nawab has a vast force. He planned to eliminate us and proceed to the south. Many of his sardars wanted to surrender and negotiate like Md. Bangash did earlier. Others want to fight to the end, and he is unable to do either. What reputation is left to be saved?

Either way, it doesn't matter. We have now tightened the blockade, and destroyed any access to grain and fodder. We had kept them standing for battle since yesterday. We kept up steady fire on both men and horses. Their force is in no condition to fight. We also seized 2 artillery pieces from them. By the Swami's fortune, the Nizam ul Mulk has been sunk. He had high hopes from the southern army, but you have already checkmated it. Keep massing more troops and putting pressure on his southern forces. Sent a well respected envoy and bring Dabhade's forces as well. Even if they are at Ranali (a village in northern Maharashtra), it is acceptable. If their forces are at Songad (a place near Baroda in Gujarat), send a suitable envoy and get forces from Dabhade, Bande, Gaekwars. Send another envoy to Raghoji Bhonsle and secure his men as well. Once all his other forces are checked, the Nawab's army here will be destroyed anyway. By our good fortune, what will happen, shall be good. We lost about 35 horses in yesterday's fighting. No major sardars were killed, only a few junior officers.

Volume I

Letters 43-50 cover the battle between the Nizam and Marathas in 1761, few months after Panipat. Large armies of ~60 to 70 thousand were assembled by both sides. The letters describe a number of smaller skirmishes followed by a large battle.

No. 43

Tuesday's letters. On the same day, Shrimant Rajashri Rao Pradhan Swami marched from Pendgaon to Mandavgan Katarbad. With him, went Chiranjeev Rao. Shrimant Rajashri Dadasaheb descended the ghats at Nagtal and marched towards Mahur. Letters were sent to him to make haste. Some army has been assembled. By Kartik Pournima, the full army should be assembled. The list of soldiers already here and which will arrive is as follows.

Babuji Naik     5000  Govind hari,Ramchandra hari 2 pathaks 8000
Raste          3200  Rayaji Pawar              1600
Mahadoba Purandare. 3800      Kavade                  1500
Visaji Krishna        1500  Ghorpade (Ichalkaranji)         1000
Shahji Bhapkar     1000  Nilkanthrao Saranjami         1300
Lakshman Khanderao. 1000     Fatehsingh               1600
Chavan                   2000  Sarlashkar               1000
Huzurat                   10000  Pratinidhi                1000
Yashwantrao Pawar   1000  Vithal Shivdev               3000
Gaekwads              1000   Shinde pathaks                    12000
Bhuinjkar              1000   Naro Shankar (as Shinde diwan)       2500

Another minor 5000 troops. In total, 70,000. In addition, whatever arrive from Bhonsles and Holkars. Such is the estimate. But there is no word from the khasa sardars. They are not informing Shrimant Dadasaheb. But Shrimant Rajashri Madhavrao's fortune will be decided here (in this battle). If God wishes this state to thrive, the yavan will face defeat.

No. 45

Letter from Govind Hari to Trimbak Hari, Ch. 18, Jamadilaval.

The Shrimant and the Nizam fought a battle from the third prahar till night, 2 kos ahead of Chambhargondha. From the left flank, the Shrimant unleashed artillery fire on the Nizam's flanks. On the right side, Chiranjeev with all the pathaks, took advantage of the rocky terrain, and standing at a distance of a bullet shot, fired bullets and rockets on them.

This, the huzurat's firepower, Bhonsles, Babuji Naik and other sardars together fired from all sides. The Mughal held his positions for 1 ghatika. In his front was water for a kos, seeing that he wont prevail there, he withdrew his lines, and sent some battalions to seize our artillery on the left. Shindes, Arab(?) and Ganesh Vitthal were at the cannons. Severe fighting took place and they captured the artillery.

At this point, the Bhonsles' army counterattacked them and drove them off. From all sides, we fired heavily with muskets, jezails and rockets. The Mughals withstood the firing almost till night. At 2 ghatikas in the night, after the Shrimant withdrew, the Mughal retreated to a rivulet that was 2 rocket shots away.

No. 46

On Margashirsha Shuddha 12, Wednesday.

The Mughal marched to Nimbgaon. Changing his route, keeping the city 3 kos to his right, he came to Chas. Today he will halt at Akulnera or one kos ahead of it. Yesterday evening, Shrimant's vanguard made contact with the enemy, so we marched to support them. Seeing our approach, the Mughals were surprised and their attack was blunted. They raised their standards, and turned to hold their ground.

They deployed their artillery in our direction and opened fire. As well as rockets. Around 25-30 horses and men were killed by this. Another 50 wounded. There was no need, so we did not push hard. There was a small river between us. They deployed their cannons behind it. The Huzurat captured the standards of the Nizam's vanguard and drove them off.

I have not yet received a report of the dead and wounded. I will forward it after I get it. The Shrimant was at the city yesterday. The Mughal has changed his original plan and will now march to Ghospur. Of our 2 or 3 pathaks, no officer was killed. Later yesterday evening, Janoji Nimbalkar's cavalry marched on us. He had mostly karols. He attacked Hari Gopal - (letter breaks)

No. 47
Letter from Moro Ballal to Govind Hari, Margashirsha 12 (Monday?)

The yavan (Mughal) climbed the Nibandehra ghat and camped at Pimpri. The next day, he moved to Nimbgaon. The third day he changed his route, he came within 3-4 kos of the city. Yesterday, keeping the city to his left, he went to Chase. His forces are everywhere. There was fighting in all directions. Keeping Akulner to the right, there is a village called Rahate - it seems he will halt there today.

He desperately wants to reach Pune. We have a force of around 60,000 , but due to poor coordination the Nizam keeps advancing. When the Nizam begins marching, our forces harass his army. Such is the news.

No. 48
Margashirsha Vaidya 2, Sunday

 On Tuesday Ekadashi, the Nizam came to Kamargaon. At that time, Bhonsles, Babuji Naik, and some of the Huzurat  on the left wing made contact with the enemy. The Bhonsles fought very hard. The Bhonsles and the Nizam both lost some 150-200 men and horses killed. If Naro Shankar and others had followed up, it would have brought great success. But they did not support. On our side, the Mughal deployment was massive. The Karols and Gardis held the line along the river. Malharrao Raste, Hari Gopal and Visaji Krishna engaged in an exchange of gunfire. Swords were also drawn. Some 100-150 men were killed by bullets alone. By the time I drew my sword, the fighting had disengaged.

 On Thursday Trayodashi, when we assembled, we found some of the Nizam's animals dispersed for grazing. Our skirmishers captured some 50-70 horses and camels. We took our positions for battle. After a cannonade, we began marching forward. Along with me were Chiranjeev Nilkanth Rao, Visaji, Narayan who made contact. We pushed them back, then we had to retire from a counter attack. Such back and forth happened three times. For 2 ghatikas, we fought. Shrimant Dadasaheb was surveying the battle from the top of a hill. It was a good battle. Some 150-200 men and horses were killed. Hari Gopal was also driven off by a charge once. Some 10-20 of his standard were killed. Raste and Visaji Krishna did not get to unsheath their swords. It was very good fighting by our soldiers. If it continued for another 2 ghatikas, the casualties would have been severe, so we withdrew and restarted firing the artillery.

 On Tuesday, we were at Kamargaon. On Wednesday, we came to Ranjangaon. On Thursday, all 3 of my pathaks (regiments) were engaged in fighting. For 15 days, the Shrimant will command the armies. He decides a day but then sends another letter cancelling it. A battle is planned for Monday, as per a letter dispatched to us by a clerk on Friday. "Keep an eye on our division. We will attack first. When you see it, march with your division." We kept our army ready. Over there, the huzurat, Bhonsles and others were ready. We waited long for the battle to begin.

 The Shrimant opened fire with the artillery but from a very great range. Even those did not hit the Nizam's army. We sent a barrage of rockets opposite to us, but some of our rocketeers were killed in the return fire. In summary, the entire army was deployed in three wings, without any vanguard. It was a great mass of soldiers, but no one was keen on battle. Shrimant Dadasaheb would say one thing but do another. It seems the general (karbhari- Sakharam Bapu?) wants to sink the battle. He is relying too much on Bhonsles alone.

No. 49

Marghashirsha Vaidya 3

 From the halt near Vangdari. Yesterday when the Mughal passed via Loni towards Chambhargonda, our armies were assembled in their rear. When the Mughal was 1.5 kos from Chambargaon, we opened heavy fire with our cannons on his rear. From his front, the government's forces drove off the Mughal's vanguard. We took a position on the right wing, at a spot which was very rocky. Taking cover, we stood in a hail of bullets. We fired back with rockets and bullets, the Mughal came under heavy firing. From one prahar in the evening to one ghatika in the night, we roasted the Mughals with our fire. The Mughal has never been under such heavy fire before. They have no water.

 With great determination, he has held his ground. Chambhargondha was only a kos away, but he was unable to advance. To his right, he found water one rocket shot away. By then it was two ghatikas in the night. Our cannons were close to him, and were at a risk of being attacked, so we kept cavalry in reserves. But he was unable to do anything. The Mughal has never taken such fire as he did yesterday. It cooled his enthusiasm for fighting. To make it worse he had no access to water. Because of our fire, he was forced to relocate his camp followers as well as army.

 We found a good spot for flanking fire. It was close but very defensible. Visaji Narayan lost 4 horses, 2 men, and we lost 2-3 horses and 10-15 injured. God rewarded us with great terrain. I will watch where the Mughal goes from Chambhargondha, towards Pune or elsewhere, and write accordingly.

No. 50

Margashirsha viadya 5, Monday

 Yesterday, after 1.5 prahars, the Mughal turned around his army, from the front to the rear and made a halt. The rockets and cannons from our side inflicted severe losses on him. About 800 men and horses and 2000 wounded. Our fire hit him hard. He was going to march on our cannons in the rear. We were at a distance of half a bullet shot. From there, the karols jumped off ( the horses) and opened fire. Rockets were fired.

 Seeing our advance, the Mughals were thrown into confusion. Near us was a stream, in that same direction were the officers' quarters. Cannon fire being heavy over there, they came and stood on this side. Seeing us close, they jumped off their horses and formed up. They rained bullets, rockets and cannonballs on us, what we would write would be insufficient. By our ancestor's blessings, we survived. Otherwise we would have perished. In the front, he attempted but could not advance on our cannons.

 The honourable vakil (Peshwa Madhavrao's messenger) has written to us that on the right wing, Gopalrav has immobilized the Mughals, and they are planning to charge and seize their guns. On Tuesday, the Mughal marched to Chambhargaon and made camp. Seeing us ready for battle, and his poor access to water, he remained at camp. By the time the Mughal reaches Pune, it will take 8 to 15 days. If we can intercept and make another heavy cannonade, then he will not go to Pune. The armies assembled are enormous. The Shrimant's fortune is great. It seems the Mughal will negotiate peace. The firing they took 2 days ago has demoralized his men.

No. 89 - 6 November 1762

Battle of Raghunathrao and Madhavrao.

Dadasaheb (Raghunathrao) marched on us boldly with his army. We came into contact at Ghodani on opposite sides. We sent our camp and followers to our rear. Soon the armies readied themselves, and all the sardars took their positions. Raghunathrao opened fire with the artillery, and captured some hills. We came under severe fire but held our ground. Fire from jezails, rockets was thick. After they took casualties, they retired some distance and regrouped into one large mass. They resumed firing artillery and rockets from range. We resumed firing with 2 cannons. They did much damage to them.

The fighting lasted for 6 ghatikas, (around 2 hours) and around 3-4 ghatikas of the day were left. They had advanced to close in with our line but by end of the day, retired 1.5 kos (around 4.5km). We held our positions until nightfall. We sat down at the same place, and did not return to camp. Just then we received a spies' report that on the other side, they lost 25 men dead, 200 injured, 15-20 horses killed and more injured. These were rough numbers, the actuals may be higher in my estimate. We lost around 10 men. 5-7 horses killed, and a dozen injured. Gopalrao, Pilaji Naik, Raste fought very well. Holkar's cavalry also fought very well. I will wrote more as it unfolds.

In my opinion, there should have been a fight but followed by counsel later. We will see what God has in store for us.

No. 91 - 13 November 1762

Another account of the battle between Madhavrao and Raghunathrao.

Salutations to Madhavrao. We crossed the Ghod river and arrived near Alegaon. Their forces (Raghunathrao's) followed us. Our camp followers reached Alegaon.  The army was close behind, and they caught up with us there. We fought for an entire day there. I took up the responsibility. There were some treacherous sardars in our army, and we had to retreat. Night fell. We lost approximately 300 to 400 men and horses. Many more injured. But God awarded victory to the other side. Our forces lost hope. We crossed the Bhima at night and came to the other bank. We had no provisions and were hungry. The next day we started marching off. Our artillery bullocks were too tired. Just then, the enemy forces intercepted us.

All of us recommended negotiations as the way out. Mama and others also recommended the same. There was no other way out. Mama went to Sinhagad. I don't know if he has reached there yet. Baburao Moroba has also been untraceable from the time the battle began until 2 days later. Now we got news of his camp. We'll know for certain only when we meet. Gopalrao has left for Miraj. The remaining sardars and the army is camped here. No senior sardar was lost.

Volume II

No. 333 - 10 August 1763

Battle of Rakshasbhuvan

Salutations to Madhavrao. I am writing at Shravan month Pratipada, Wednesday at 2 prahars in the day. By father's blessings, I am at Beed safely. Early today morning, the army readied and went to fight the Mughal. The Nizam ali Khan had crossed the river. Many of his sardars and army was on this side. We fought a battle. It was a costly battle. But they were routed. We are victorious. Many of their sardars fell or were captured. The sardars dead and wounded on our side will be compiled and dispatched soon.

No. 335 - 11 August 1763

Madhavrao writes to Byankaji Mankeshwar about the battle of Rakshasbhuvan.

Greetings. When you left, you did not dispatch the orders as you were supposed to. After that, you devoted yourself fully to assigned tasks. All this has been considered. You are an old hand. I am confident there will be no loss from giving you responsibility. You should continue working as before. On 30 Mohram, Vitthal Sundar and other sardars along with 7 to 8 thousand cavalry and 5000 infantry were on this side of the Ganga near Rakshasbhuvan. Nizam Ali Khan had just crossed the river along with camp followers and some of the army, when we attacked them. It was a big battle. By God's wish, Vitthal Sundar, Vinayakdas, Khandarkar Gopalsingh were killed. Apart from these, Murad Khan, Pingale, Patankar, Baburao and other senior sardars were captured. It is a big victory. Nizam Ali Khan fled to Aurangabad. We are considering following his trail. Bhonsle and other sardars have already left. We will soon meet them.

No. 339 - 14 August 1763

More details about the battle of Rakshasbhuvan.

Salutations to Madhavrao. I am writing from the camp at Paithan, to the south of the Ganga. I received the letter, and read its contents. News from here was sent before the battle, that must have been received. After the battle, we thought the Mughal will entrench himself on the other bank and start firing rockets and cannons. But instead he left the same night and went to Aurangabad. He left behind 10 cannons, powder and tents. Among sardars, Vitthal Sundar and few others were killed, others captured and some fled. The list of our sardars dead and wounded has been sent- it must have been read.

Previously, there have been two or three fights with the Mughal but he was never defeated like this earlier. The Mughals will not find a replacement for an enterprising minister like Vitthal Sundar. Seeing his fate, the Nizam has fled. In total, counting the cannons on both banks, we have acquired about 20. In addition, we have secured a great number of horses, camels, and camp equipment. 15 elephants were also captured. By father's fortune this has been won. Sakharampant had gone to fetch Raghoji Bhonsle and has returned.

As the further course of action is decided, I will write more later.

No. 427 - 4 May 1764

Battle of Ratehalli.

Blessings to Chiranjeev Rajashri Balwantrao from Antaji Vitthal. We have halted on Vaishakh Shuddha 3 near Bednore with the army. I have not received any update from you. Please send letters more regularly.

News from here, is that yesterday on Shuddha 2, Wednesday, the Shrimant readied the armies. Vitthal Shivdeo, Chiranjeev Rajashri Gopalrao were ordered to march ahead and engage Hyder Naik. The Shrimant stayed with the army and sent these two sardars ahead. On hearing of the Shrimant's march, Hyder marched to Bari (north of Mysore).  We moved to engage him. We caught sight of his army and camp. He was about to retire into the trees. When he saw our arrival, he himself marched out and deployed his full army. We retired to inform the Shrimant of his army's deployment and ask him to join us with haste. The Shrimant was at a distance of 5-6 kos. From there, he hurried ahead with 2 or 3 large cannons. We started exchanging cannon fire and we got their army to advance.

His force was around 25 to 30 thousand infantry, 25 or 30 field pieces. Seeing his heavy firepower, Chiranjeev withdrew slowly as the terrain was unsuitable for us. Hyder continued firing and advancing on us. He sought to destroy our advance guard separated from the main army, before the Shrimant and his army caught up with us. The cavalry on both sides clashed. We drove them off and captured a horse. The pindaries also seized a few horses from their camp, as well as some rockets. He resumed firing the artillery and our men retreated. Just then, the Shrimant's reinforcements arrived. The two large cannons  brought were deployed. When Hyder caught sight of this, he was shocked. He panicked as he thought Shrimant's entire army was close at hand. Seeing that it would be difficult to retreat in face of a large army, he held his position but stopped advancing. The Shrimant's cannons started firing at them, and they returned fire. It was not an opportune time or place for battle, but as he had advanced on us, we were forced to engage.

He used his cannons to great effect. We were in his front, so we moved to the right. To our rear was Vitthal Shivdeo. On the left wing was Naro Shankar. As he had halted at one place, our cannons did severe damage. His troops standing in close order were being blown apart after each shot. He had walked boldly, and was now forced to stand and lose men. As our cannons and gunpowder were both good, our shots reached far, accurately, and fired faster. By now, it was evening. The weather turned bad and a storm began. Hyder marched on us. Seizing the opportunity, Shrimant ordered the huzurat to charge. At the same time, the rest were ordered to attack. Seeing the huzurat advancing, Chiranjeev Raosaheb also advanced with his horses. But the wind was great, and visibility was poor.

Hyder's infantry had formed multiple squares to defend against cavalry, but abandoned their artillery. We used our jezails and rockets to great effect. Unable to rout his army, we eventually returned. God protected us all. The Huzurat had lost about 100 horses, and 10 men, with more injured. No sardars were killed. Chiranjeev Parshuram Bhau lost 2 horses to cannon shots. All our forces withdrew and reassembled. Taking advantage of the dark, Hyder withdrew his army to his camp. While his army was engaged here, a force of 2-4 thousand would have plundered his camp entirely. (Rest of the letter is lost).

No. 509 - 3 December 1764

Battle of Anavati. Madhavrao defeats Hyder Ali.

You must have learnt of the capture of Dharwar from the earlier letters. From there, we marched to Hangal. After siegeing it, we captured its fort. We got news of the arrival of Hyder Ali's army in our vicinty. Hyder was across the river Bala, at Jade Anavati on a hill. He has erected several artillery batteries, dug trenches and set up camp. Behind him and to his left is a dense forest. To his north is a small stream. The terrain is already full of obstructions, and then he also has trenches and batteries- which makes it difficult to attack. The Peshwa's elite force has arrived and is camping 1 kos away from the river bank on the other side. He is one kos from the river bank on his side. For 2 days, the khas swari marched out and bombarded his camp with our cannons.

On Margashirsha Navami, our forces deployed artillery to attack his camp again. On that day, he formed up his infantry line and advanced along with artillery. He took a position between two dense lines of trees, and formed squares with his gardis to fight our cavalry. He secured his flanks with the trees. Our sardars went right through the forest on both sides with our cavalry, and crashed into his squares from the rear, killing about 1000-1200. We also took 500-700 prisoner, including many senior sardars and officers. 5 to 7 cannons were also captured. About 3 to 4 thousand colours and muskets were also seized, along with some spears and 500 to 700 horses.

God has granted a great victory. He has lost many good sardars and officers. He has no more stomach for war. I have written this to share my happiness about this victory. I hear Hyder Naik was wounded by a bullet. In a few days he will be defeated. I will wrote more later.

Volume IV

These letters cover the last campaign of Madhavrao Peshwa against Haider Ali.

No. 828

Army sizes detailed for campaigns against Mysore.

8000  3 pathaks         4000 Gaekwads
1000 Narsinghrao Janardan   5000 Sabaji Bhonsle
2000 Hari Gopal
2500 Raste
1000 Shahji Bhonsle (Akkalkotkar)

16000
(+ 9000)
15000 Huzurat and other pathaks

40,000

No. 1100 - March 7, 1771
Battle of Moti Talav

On Ch. 19 Jhilkadi, Haider Khan marched from Melukote at 4 ghatikas in the night on the road to Pattan. On the road to Chennraipattanam, us, Rajashri Anandrao Gopal, Narsinghrao Paygude and Gaekwads' regiments and others were present. The road to Pattan was 4 kos from us. On that road, Rajashri Mamasaheb (Trimbak Pethe) had been posted with his army, 3 kos from the route. As soon as Haider was detected on the road, Rajashri Vitthal Shivdev was dispatched to Rajashri Mama to inform him of Haider's departure. As soon as they got the news, the armies marched from there. Rajashri Mama and the artillery departed later. No sooner did we march 4 kos after getting the news, that we were spotted by the enemy, who opened fire with cannons upon us. When we heard the sound, we marched swiftly and made a halt at this lake. We faced a tough fight. Their firepower was immense, cannon fire was heavy, and musket fire from the squares of the gardis was massive, we lost many men and horses. When our men could not bear it any longer, they retired some distance.

Just then the huzurat arrived and engaged them. But in the face of heavy firepower, they could not close the distance. Even they retired some distance. By the time the cannons arrived, it was 6 ghatikas in the day. Till then, we slowed his progress. The cannons travelled 3 kos. Ahead , Pattan was only 2 kos. He (Haider) was desperate to get to Pattan. Just then the government's cannons arrived. Once the artillery opened fire, it blew gaps in his dense squares. We regrouped and made a charge on their front. The Huzurat reformed and attacked from the rear. Other regiments from the sides. Despite this, the vanguard was able to slip away to the front. Leaving his cannons, he fled to the forested mountain ahead. We seized all the artillery and elephants. Some 8 to 9 thousand prisoners have been taken. We have acquired around 2000 horses. Three regiments together..

No. 1101 - 10th March 1771

More details of the battle of Moti Talav.

On Ch 19 Jhilkadi, from the camp at Melukote, we fought Haider Khan from 4 ghatikas in the night till 3 prahars in the day. The fighting went on for 5 to 6 kos. When Haider was only 1.5 kos away from Pattan, we attacked in force with urgency to prevent him. 3 regiments with me charged his front with the standard. Braving withering fire from the cannons, they charged into the squares of the gardis and cleaved them with our swords. Seeing this, the Huzurat was fired up and made a charge on their rear. From the rear, the huzurat. From the front, my soldiers, and other regiments from the sides, in this way, all attacked. At that point, his army broke. He ran straight towards Pattan. Some of his men took refuge at a nearby mountain and opened fire. In this charge, Nilkanthrao Data died from a bullet. Mansingh Naik Nimbalkar and Nimbaji Sekle, Sekho Chavdo(?), Rayapa Savle were some of the others with Nilkantray's men who were also killed. In this way, the battle unfolded. Bhau and Wamanraobaba were close by. They performed admirably as officers. The vanguard did a brave job. The Marathi soldiers in the army did not back off at any point. 25,000 gardis, 12,000 cavalry and 50 cannons were destroyed in one battle. By the Shrimant's great fortune, we are victorious. But unfortunately Nilkanthrao departed. He fought among the hardest, yet he is gone. My grief cannot be put into words.

Volume V

No. 1349 - 27 March 1774

Battle of Kasegaon- Raghunathrao defeats the Barbhai army pursuing him.

We marched from Savalaj and halted at Hatija. At 2 prahars in the night, we marched and reached Vatumbare by dawn. We got news that Shrimant decamped in the night and marched further ahead, to Sangola. There they destroyed one large siege cannon and 3 smaller ones before proceeding further. On getting news of this, we marched on to Kasegaon. We heard that Shrimant had halted here just recently, and is now gathering more forces.

Chiranjeev Bhau who was leading the vanguard, took position at Kasegaon. He sent a messenger to us that Shrimant has readied for battle, and that we should leave our camp followers behind and assemble for battle. The Shrimant's army advanced on him. Earlier, Shrimant had sent a messenger from the artillery division named Krishnarao for talks. Regardless, his army took to the field for battle. We marched a distance of 19 kos to catch up. We had marched long and the soldiers were not rested before battle. As we deployed, there was no place to retreat.

The Shrimant had formed up his army in 3 groups. In the front were the gardis and artillery. In the rear was the Shrimant with his reserves. On both sides was the huzurat cavalry. Mama (Trimbakrao Pethe) also formed 3 groups. I commanded the left wing, Mama commanded the center with the huzurat, and the right wing by Naro Shankar, Vitthal Shivdev and Raste. In this way, we deployed near Kasegaon.

Shrimant advanced with his army. Their right wing attacked my wing and was repulsed. There was heavy fighting in the center, and Mama's division slowly retreated towards us. We had to move around twice or thrice and reposition ourselves. The enemy gardis , huzurat and other pathaks advanced on us. They engaged Mama's huzurat first. A lot of men died. Mama's huzurat was pushed back and forced to retire. We also moved back fighting. When Mama's division reached us, we reformed the line and got them time to recover.

Parshuram Bhau leading 200 of his guard charged the enemy huzurat and Mud. Isaf's regiment. It turned into a swordfight. Recognizing Isaf, some of his troops attacked him, but his armour protected him. Bhau lost 10-15 of his guard cavalry and an equal number injured. After the huzurat's retreat, Bhau also returned. The Zari Patka, its elephant etc were lost. Our own standards were luckily saved. The drums on camels also seem to have escaped. Mama had an injury on his face. We retreated half kos from the battlefield where there is a plain. I am not sure what happened elsewhere. The Mithi river is completely flooded. The number of dead and wounded is not clearly known yet. All our sardars are safe. At 6 ghatikas in the night, we reversed and retreated.

(Remaining letter is about political matters.)

No. 1441 - 21 February 1775

Battle of Mahi - Raghunathrao is defeated.

I am writing from the vicinty of Petlad. There was no opportunity to engage Shrimant in battle for a month, so we spent the time idle. On Dwitiya, the opportunity presented itself and we crossed the Mahi river. Shrimant advanced on us. It was 6 ghatikas in the evening, and the battle began. We started with cannon fire, and then taking God's name, charged with the cavalry. The Shrimant's force was broken. 14 to 15 cannons, elephants, some flags and standards were captured. Baburao Patankar and Hanesh Vitthal and 10-20 other officers were killed. If there were two more ghatikas in the day, our victory would have been complete. It was dark, the battlefield was forested, but we still chased them for one kos. Finding it difficult to retreat in the night in the marshy terrain, Shrimant advanced ahead with a small guard of 300 towards Kambhayat. It is 8 kos from here.

(Rest of the letter is other matters.)

No. 1459 - 18 May 1775 - 287

Battle of Adas - a joint force of Raghunathrao and the EIC is repulsed.

Shrimant Rajashri Dadasaheb was across the river. Our forces were close at hand. We decided to attack him on the day he marches off. He retraced his steps and started marching towards Khmbayata. On that day, the huzurat fought heavily with him. 300 or so English were slain. Many more were wounded. We seized the cannons from the English. But our soldiers went to plunder their camp instead of returning with their artillery. Just then the English reformed their line and counter charged us and recovered their guns and towed them away. It was a big battle. Rajashri Anandrao Gopal and Maloji Ghorpade and 5 to 7 other officers from the huzurat are wounded. Most of the fighting was done by the huzurat. If the other sardars had exerted themselves as much, the enemy would have been completely finished today.

When the battle began, we sent one detachment of cavalry on their rear. When the English spotted this, they asked Hari Bhide and Ramchandra Tulpule. They did not recognize the troops and replied that these are Manaji Shinde's troops. They realized they are our troops only when they closed in and opened fire. Thinking them to be traitors, they were killed. This was conveyed to Shrimant, who approved of it. Now many of Shrimant's men fear the English, such is the news.

Volume VII

No. 2458 - 10 January, 1779

Battle of Wadgaon.

On Friday, the 6th, Shrimant Dadasaheb and the English came to Talegaon. We burnt its stores. They camped there till Sunday. On Monday night, 5 battalions and Shrimant Dadasaheb began to retreat. When we received news of the movement of 3 battalions and their camp followers, we quickly readied ourselves and went after them. We sent news to our camp. We seized some ammunition tumbrils. We made contact with 2-3 battalions near Wadgaon, near Talegaon at dawn. We opened fire with our artillery. By our firing, their cannons were silenced. But the fire from their guns (muskets) was heavy. They abandoned their artillery and retreated. Our cavalry pursued them and captured 2-3 field guns. On Tuesday, Shrimant must have reached Mumbai. Chinto Vitthal was hit by a cannonball and killed. This was conveyed by some of the injured among them.

Such was the urgent news received by us. When I get more details, I will write more later.

No. 2604 - 14 March 1781

Battle of Chauk.

Some papers sent by the English to Mumbai were intercepted. To summarize its contents- "We went to the ghats. But the Maratha force is gathered below it. Supplies cannot reach us. If we cannot arrange for supplies, we are finished."

Two men ran from his camp and came to us. They told us that supplies are very expensive in their camp. They are now digging trenches and roofs. Every time the government's cannons open fire, a few men are killed. They won't fear until we destroy one or two battalions. Once their supplies are cut off, they will see reason quickly. We are determined to cut down their battalions. For this, a force has been sent from Panvel with Chiranjeev Rajashri Balwantrao behind them. Even if they have secured their rear, Balwantrao will force them out and catch them between us. To destroy the battalions at Chauk, we marched from Bhalvadi to Kandav, 1.5 kos away. Just then, news arrived that their battalions have retreated during the night. So we are moving to Khopoli. It is 6 kos (18km) from here. Chiranjeev Rajashri Dada is 2 kos ahead of us.

No. 2605 - 14 March 1781

Details of the battle of Chauk.

Blessings to Rajashri Balwantrao. The English moved to Panvel to secure supplies. They got their provisions and started marching towards Khopoli. They halted at Chauk. We had always posted a force there to keep us informed of their movements. As soona as we got word, we marched with our army. Falgun 7 Brhiguvari, in the day time, the forces came into contact.

The men charged with our horses right to their camp. We were deployed in three wings. On the left wing was Chiranjeev Rajashri Raghunathrao dada, on the right wing Tirtharoop Rajashri Meghashyam Bapu, and in the center Rajashri Balwantrao. Pushing their line back to their camp, we killed and injured some 200 of their men. Chiranjeev Rajashri Dada closed in with one company. (At this time, it means a unit of 100 men). A company meant 100 troops. Along with them was one flag standard. These men were good fighters, and advanced on Chiranjeev. The cannons were already firing. Chiranjeev rallied his men and led them into the melee. That company was cut down entirely. Another 150 were slain and their muskets captured. If others had fought as well, they would have been defeated completely, and we would have captured their entire camp. Our force was sufficient for it. But by God's will, we got only the degree of success we were destined for. This fighting continued for 2 prahars. It was then time to secure water.

As men started pulling back, the cannon fire took its toll, killing 10-20 and injuring about 150 more. Then some cavalry charged their artillery and silenced it. When we retreated, we saw that another 150-200 men had fallen dead or injured. By God's grace, all of us are safe. Chiranjeev Rajashri was hit by fragments from a cannonball, and some of his fingers are severely injured. But it is not a deep wound, just a swelling. It will recover in a week. There is no worry. We camped at Chauk the same day. We retired 4 kos for ensuring access to water. We left Rajashri Chiranjeev and Rajashri Janoba to face them. At nightfall, in the moonlight, their army marched off. Chiranjeev attacked their rear. We were informed by a messenger, and also heard cannonfire. Just then, we marched via Khopoli and positioned ourselves in front of them. On one side was Chiranjeev Rajashri, on the other side we had our infantry. We fired on them from all sides. We secured from them 400 bullocks with supplies containing shot, powder, rice, and other material. There were around 500 sacks. To make their retreat faster, the English had dumped the material and taken only the bullocks. The pindaries entered their camp and made off with some bullocks. We ruined a great many of their supply.

Just then, another 2 or 3 battalions marched from the ghats as reinforcements. We repositioned ourselves and sent a messenger to Rajashri Chiranjeev. He also moved aside. If we had a few more hours before the reinforcements, we would have wiped his camp. The English had no fear or respect for our army. They bragged a lot and considered themselves far superior fighters. We've broken their pride and instilled fear. When the army set out, it was good that the terrain was very defensible, so casualties were not severe for him. If the English now march on, they will have no supplies. They are unsure of what course of action to take.

Goddard is camping in the ghats. Rajashri Haripant is engaging him. It doesn't seem he will move soon. The English had also approached Sironj and Bhilsa, and engaged by Mahadji Shinde. He defeated and pushed them back. It was a tough battle. They had advanced 2 kos from Sironj but turned their backs. Shinde has written that he will soon defeat this force and then march south to defeat Goddard. Rajashri Ganeshpant Behre was at Navapur. 4 battalions were sent to attack him. He was alerted in time, and he climbed the Kondai Bari mountain and moved to Khandesh. The English are strong everywhere. At this time, all the force is bearing down on Shri Gajanana. I will send a list of injured men and horses later. I arrived in the camp yesterday. For 4 days I was away from camp so did not get any updates. It will take a couple of days to get all the lists and updates from all parties.

Volume IX

No. 3411 - 9 to 18 January, 1792, page 119

Battle of Shimoga - Reza Ali is defeated by Parshuram Bhau and EIC.

Near Shimoga, keeping the mountain to our rear, the enemy's sardar with 10-12 artillery pieces, 20 thousand infantry, and 2-3 thousand cavalry marched out from Shimoga. This news was received by Shrimant Bhausahaeb. Then Bhausaheb ordered Shrimant Dadasaheb and Appasaheb to advance, just as the English advanced. For 3 prahars, there was exchange of cannonfire. One prahar of the evening was left. The English got impatient. They sent a messenger saying the enemy intends to retreat in the cover of the night after cannonfire. You must force them into battle right away with your cavalry. Keeping Appasaheb and Dadasaheb to his rear, Bhausaheb ordered his cavalry to charge. We came under heavy fire, and lost many horses. A number of men are also wounded and killed. But the enemy was defeated. In the first attack, our cavalry captured two guns. Abandoning its guns, the enemy's cavalry retreated. The thick forest enabled their escape. Otherwise it would have been a great victory. (Remaining letter is other matters.).

The size of the total force that engaged in the battle at Kharda is a matter of debate. Letter No. 3582 mentions that only one Shinde campoo, of ~10 battalions of 600 men each and 15,000 cavalry was deputed. This makes the total Shinde force approximately 21-23 thousand. The Huzurat in the center is said to have been 40 thousand. Both armies seem to have engaged only in 2 divisions instead of the usual 3- left,right center. With these 2 divisions, total strength can be said to be around 65 thousand. Adding another 10-15 thousand troops from the Bhonsles, the grand total is roughly 75 to 80 thousand.

No. 3607 - 2 to 7 March, 1795

Battle of Kharda

On Ch.15 Sabani, Rajashri Bhausaheb, at around 6 ghatikas in the day, marched to within 1 kos distance of Nizam Ali's army. Then the government's army and the sardars assembled. Till 6 ghatikas in the evening, they held their position. We were told to return to our tents. Taking the standards, we left. Then Bhausaheb also left. Nizam Ali's force had assembled outside their camp. Some cannon fire was happening. In the evening, all of their forces began to move. Father's force which was marching came under fire. Bhausaheb also held his ground. Some men and horses were killed by cannon fire. When night fell, the Nizam's forces returned to their camp. We held our positions throughout the night at a distance of 2 kos. On Ch. 19, at 1.5 prahars in the day, we got news that the Mughal's army is on the move. The army readied for battle. But Bhausaheb, who was further ahead, was engaged in battle. His father was injured. They quickly retreated back to our standards. By then the entire army had not assembled, so we fell back half a kos.

 Then the cannons of the Shindes opened a heavy fire. Then the Mughals advanced on the cannons. The Shindes' cannons inflicted heavy damage on the Mughals, but they managed to capture the artillery. Then the government's cavalry counter charged them and routed them, recapturing the artillery. Our forces pursued him and cut down more as they retreated. It was a good fight for 2 ghatikas. Lal Khan , a sardar of the Mughals was slain. Many more were severely injured. Lal Khan's body was brought to camp. The day came to an end.

 Due to this defeat, the Mughal's morale was low, and he withdrew to the security of the fort of Kharda. A lot of cannons, powder and shot was captured by us. His army is facing shortfall of grain and water. On Ch.20, another force was readied and harassed his columns. They kept a distance of one kos from them. Lal Khan's body was sent to the enemy's camp. The men who carried it were rewarded 50 Rupees by the enemy. On Ch. 21, the government and Shindes' 60-70 cannons opened fire on the Nizam's camp, inflicting severe casualties. Thoroughly defeated, he opened negotiations, asking us to stop the cannonade. We stopped the cannonade, but haven't moved them. Let us see how the talks proceed. He is thoroughly defeated.

No. 3609 - 7 to 13 March, 1795

More details of the battle of Kharda, letter to Balasaheb Kurundvadkar. (Raghunath Nilkanth)

On Ch. 21 Friday, at 4 ghatikas in the day, halt at Ghodegaon. When father was camping with his forces, he got news that the Nizam has crossed Mohri ghat and camped near Kharda. He went to the lake for one day. But there were no cannons. On that day in the evening, it was time to retire to camp. "There are no cannons, and the forces of Shindes arent present" - when the Nizam received this news, their foreigner commanded battalions advanced, pushing us back by 1.5 kos. Father remained at Ghodgaon. The next day was a day of halting for Mughals. The third day, they marched 1.5 kos. As they advanced, father opened fire on them with his cannons. The Shindes also fired their cannons. Not much happened. On 6th, Wednesday, when we got news of the Nawab's movement, the Shinde campoos (brigades) and cavalry readied themselves. Father also readied his army. He positioned himself atop a small hill. The Nawab made two divisions of battalions with sardars like Asad Ali and others, and sent them against father. Among Shindes, the foreigner (commanded) battalions and Bharmal were present. The Nawab took a position in the center division.

 Just then, the Shindes opened artillery fire. The foreigner battalions of the Nawab retaliated with their own artillery fire. Two gardi battalions meanwhile advanced on father's position and captured his artillery. There was heavy fighting. Father was injured. Chiranjeev Vitthal Dhonddev fought very well. Other than these, men from the huzurat and 3 pathaks (cavalry regiments) were injured. We retreated one kos, and regrouped at a hill, with the Nizam's cavalry ready to face us again. Father retreated back to the camp due to his injuries. Me, Chiranjeev Ramchandrapant Appa were standing. Just then, the Shindes repulsed the enemies arrayed against them. To support them, the Nawab's sardars facing us began to leave. We seized the chance and made another bold attack on them. When the Huzurat's 40 thousand swords were drawn, the Nawab's center was destroyed. With our karols (dragoons), the execution was excellent and felled a great number of his men. Few hundred horses were lying right next to us, men far more. We continued attacking them in their retreat all the way to their camp. 500-700 horses were captured. By the Shrimant's fortune, a great victory has been won. The Shinde troops fought very hard. The Nawab retreated. From 4-6 ghatikas in the day to 12 ghatikas in the night. Then the pindaries attacked his camp and created chaos, plundering it. The Nawab abandoned his camp and leaving his heavy luggage behind, he went to seek refuge at the fort of Kharda. He left behind his artillery, and 200-400 carts of shot and powder. His bazaar was looted fully. 20 thousand pindaries, nothing was left. 2-4 thousand camels were acquired. Bullocks cannot be counted. (Rest of the latter continues with speculation of future course of action.)

Volume XIII

No. 6090 - 9 July 1801

News of skirmishing near Ujjain.

News from the north. Shinde has made camp near Dhulkot. Devji Balaji, Gopalrao Chitnis, Bakshi, Ramchandra Bhaskar and Sadashiv Mahadev followed with reinforcements. They met and were given new orders. The European officers were posted at Ujjain. The rest were told to cross the Narmada in 2 parties and make camp. A strong Marathi force accompanies them. They do not have much luggage, so short on gold. They have somehow managed to make arrangements to assuage the soldier's concerns. The money lenders who were in camp have also departed. The morale of the forces is low. The commander has no news. The Europeans are in force at Ujjain.

Yashwantrao Holkar's pindaries arrived within 6 kos from Ujjain. The Europeans marched on them. They fought a battle. The Europeans were beaten back and retreated. The pindaries seized some horses and material from them. Holkar with a force of 40 thousand cavalry, 2 brigades, is at a distance of 4 kos from Mandsaur. Rajashri Kashirao Holkar opened negotiations with Yashwantrao and moved to Thalner. From there, he marched to Maheshwar. Rajashri Atmaram Pagnis went from Vidura to meet Kashirao. But he was unable to meet him and returned. Some 5 to 6 thousand of Yashwantrao's force went to face Kashirao. There are also talks for reinforcements from Bhonsles. Ingle is going to camp near Raghogda. Right after him is Durjansal Khechi. The Shinde widows and Lakhwa Dada are near Datia. The army will march from shelter to shelter. The Shindes are determined to go to Ujjain. There is shortage of supplies at Jambgaon.

No. 6092 - 11 July 1801

News of fighting near Ujjain.

Shindes are at 2 kos from the Narmada on this side. 5 battalions were sent ahead. Of these, 3 crossed the Narmada. The remaining 2 were crossing 2 days later. When about half had crossed over, Yashwantrao sent his cavalry to attack. The 2 battalions were destroyed. On the other bank of the Narmada, at a distance of 12 kos, the remaining troops have been blockaded. Their supplies have been cut off, and cannons are firing. Soon they will be finished. Atmaram Tamboli's son who was there and heading towards Shinde was also caught there. Shinde has retreated 2 kos. Lakhwa Dada is far away. This is what Yashwantrao has done. Shinde had 10 thousand cavalry, and 5 battalions. Of these, the fate of those 5 has already been detailed.

No. 6094 - 18 July 1801

Continuation of the news of the earlier fighting and further updates.

(First paragraph describes the same content as letter 6092.).

Yashwantrao Holkar with 25 thousand cavalry, 100 to 120 cannons and infantry came and fought a battle. Around 2000 men were killed or injured. He was yet to arrive personally. I will write more updates as they happen. Sarjerao went to the fort city(?).  Shrimant rao Amrutrao saheb went to the fort of Kavni. His entourage is staying at the mansions of Pethe. Chatursingh, Appa Nipanekar and Sarjerao's letters have been received. I will soon meet Appa Nipanekar.

No. 6102 - 29 July 1801

More fighting between the forces of Yashwantrao Holkar and Daulatrao Shinde

News from the north is that Shinde camped on the south bank of the Narmada. Devji Gavli and Raje Muhammad- commander of the artillery and Bakshi, among others with the cavalry and infantry totalling 10 thousand crossed over to the north bank. From Ujjain, Yashwantrao marched to face this with a force of 12 to 15 thousand including battalions and cavalry and artillery. For 3 prahars, there was artillery fire. Devji Gavli then led his battalions and charged the Holkar artillery. They were able to seize 5 or 6 guns.

Then Holkar's men were rallied and made a countercharge on our troops. In this fighting, Gavli, and 2 or 3 other good sardars, and jamdars were killed. Our soldiers were broken and pushed back. There was panic in our camp when news arrived of our lines retreating. When Yashwantrao heard of his victory, he left some forces behind at Ujjain and advanced himself by crossing the river with the vanguard. Ghatge crossed the Ganga. Along with him were 2 battalions and the scattered forces of some cavalry and artillery. Nipanikar and Sarjerao's chiranjeev had arrived to hold some discussions with Holkar. But being unable to discuss anything, he departed. To secure Delhi, the Shinde widows and Lakhwa Dada have marched already. (Remaining letter is unrelated matters).

No. 6142 - 2 September 1801

Fighting continues- Letter from Chintaman Pandurang to Miraj.

I had written about the matter regarding the cannonballs for the cannon Durga. I request that the appropriate orders be given and the cannonballs should be dispatched. News from the north, is that Shrimant's forces departed on Shuddh Ashtami to march to Kopargaon. After their arrival, they met Rajashri Raosaheb. This was the news received from Rajashri Bapujipant Gokhale. Shindes are at Revadkshin. The Bakshi, Sadashivrao and the battalions have been sent north. To reinforce them, Fakirji Gadhve, Nimbalkar and some pindaries have also been sent.

Near Ujjain, they fought a severe battle. From morning, for 4 prahars of the day, there was cannon fire and rockets. The forces of Holkar and Lakhwadada are enormous. They attacked and destroyed 3 battalions. Chinto Atmaram was wounded by a spear and died of it. Many others were killed and wounded, and the total casualties were severe. The artillery was also lost. The survivors retreated to Bhairavgad. Ingle is at Narwar. Perron is injured and is at the doab in the north. He is receiving letters to march south. He is being asked not to tarry too long and to make haste. He is also replying that he is trying his best to move soon. Lakhwa Dada's forces are around 25 thousand. Ingle's forces are much smaller so he is reluctant. Sarjerao was at Burhanpur. After receiving letter after letter, he has departed. He wanted to cross the river and go himself. But his forces are few, and there is a shortage of funds so the forces are demoralized. Nobody is willing to march on. We will see what they plan after Ghatge reaches there.

Volume XIV

No. 6444 - 8 October 1802

Battle between the Shinde forces and Yashwantrao Holkar's pathans.

Shinde's forces, consisting of 10 thousand cavalry, one campoo- consisting of 7 to 8 battalions and 40 cannons arrived. By government's orders, they marched to Narayangaon. Shamat Khan Pathan had a force of 10 thousand. He split them into 3 groups. One day there was heavy cannon fire on both sides. The Shinde forces had to retire 3 kos. The Pathans then sent their second group. The Shinde forces retired another 3 kos. There was fighting at close quarters. Shamat Khan's hand was hit by a bullet, but it is a light wound. The Shinde battalions then charged the Pathan infantry and routed them. 3 kos away is Balekhind. They were driven beyond it, and stayed on this side. On both sides, total killed exceeded 1000. I went to Dinkar Pant Nana to get the Chitnis' letter. He said 3 cannons and one flag standard was to be sent to Balekhind, and that was brought. The Shinde forces have climbed the khind and gone beyond it. The Pathans went to Mula river, meaning near Betur. Holkar marched from Nashik to Sinnar. He has a force of 20 thousand. The Pathans will also join them. They will combine and then march on the Shindes. Mane has crossed Pandharpur. Shrimant Rajashri Appasaheb departed on Tuesday.

The Zari Patka and Pandoji Kunjar are 12 to 14 kos beyond Moreshwar. Mane is supposed to be there. Dhondopant Godbole has been dispatched to Karnataka. 5 cannons, 2 battalions and 1 thousand cavalry marched to Shigale.(?). Due to the situation here, they have been recalled. Along with him, Katre, Vinchurkar and some Pathans have been retained by the government. Of these, 500 and Bakshi were ordered to join the Shindes. Some are departing, some are a few kos away already. Their pay is in arrears and some are refusing to go.

In Konkan, Shamal is creating unrest. (the remaining letter is on unrelated matters).

No. 6448 - 12 October 1802

Battle of Baramati between Purandare, sent by the Peshwa and Holkar's sardar Fatehsingh Mane.

Nana Purandare fought a battle with Mane for 2 prahars. Purandare marched ahead of his camp by 4 kos. Mane responded that they are here only to meet the Peshwa, and have no cause for battle. This was ignored by our sardars, and they started firing the artillery. Until 50 cannonballs were fired on them, Mane took no action. Then they started retaliating. The fighting lasted for 2 ghatikas. They marched on our artillery and seized the cannons. Ganpatrao Panse was wounded. Purandare retreated with the Zari Patka to Saswad. Pandoji Kunjar had already fled and met him after 2 days. Maloji Ghorpade was wounded and passed away. There are some more who were injured or killed. Some camp followeres were also lost, but most managed to retreat.

Mane has camped near Baramati. Yashwantrao Holkar has camped near Parnera. It is close enough to the city, and also to come to Pune at governmental invitation. He will act as the situation evolves.

The government's army is being mobilized and the tents are being set up. Chintopant Deshmukh was ordered to report to camp. He has left yesterday. He has also been assigned the office of Phadnis and Bakshi. The army will gather soon. Yashwantrao Panse is making arrangements for the cannons, and it will also be ready soon.

No. 6465 - 26 October 1802

Battle of Pune.

Yashwantrao Holkar marched with his army and artillery via Loni and Kavdi. The government's army, with the Zari Patka, and Shinde forces camped at Banvadi. Yesterday on Sunday, the government sent Parajipant Baba, Narayanrao Vaidya, Raghopant Bhagwat  at 2 prahars. Some troops were also sent with them. But the others were not admitted into Holkar's camp. The three were taken to Holkar's tent for talks. For one prahars they engaged in discussions. Holkar repeatedly stressed that he does not want to speak to these envoys. Kunjar, Nimbaji Bhaskar, Daji Deshmukh and Angre should go and meet him for serious discussions. Whatever will be decided will be final then. He dismissed them. The trio left and reached back here at night. We realized the tone of the situation. Here, near the mansions, for 3 days, preparations were in full swing. When our envoys returned, Holkar conveyed to us that he will wait till the next morning for 6 ghatikas. After that, it will be time for battle. It is chaos here since then for food and water. Baloji Kunjar, Nimbaji Bhaskar, and Daji Deshmukh met the Shrimant and requested permission to go to battle. After its grant, they went into the battalions at 6 ghatikas. Both sides prepared fully.

The 3 fold (infantry, artillery, cavalry) armies took position and fighting began with cannon fire. Yashwantrao ordered his artillerymen, that the Zari Patka is their banner too, and not to fire back until 25 cannon balls had been fired at them. So it came to pass. Then they opened fire. For 2 prahars, there was heavy artillery firing. If we counted the number of cannon balls, we would lose track. At least 7 to 8 thousand cannon balls were fired. Until 12 ghatikas in the day, the Shrimant was at his mansion. Then he went to the Zari Patka. For 4 ghatikas, he stood there, then he went to the Shinde battalions. At that point, Holkar's battalions attacked Shinde's battalions and pushed them back. Shinde's men lost a lot of artillery. Losing hope, the Zari Patka was withdrawn. The Shrimant's force also moved westwards towards Parvati hill. Some forces went to Ganeshkhedi and met the Shrimant. For 2 ghatikas, the Shrimant was at Parvati. The forces rallied there till 3 or 4 thousand.

Then some of Holkar's force, around 5 to 6 thousand closed in and were sighted. Then Shrimant marched from there to Wadgaon gardens. It is said he went towards Sinhagad. Shindes were left with 2 intact battalions, which withdrew to Patilbaba's chhatri. In that group, were Kunjar, Nimbaji Bhaskar, Daji Deshmukh, Angre, Sadashivrao Bakshi and the battalions commander. These battalions have now been surrounded by Holkar. The government's and Shinde guns were both captured by Holkar. The camp was seized entirely. Some of Shinde's men fled to the villages, where they were plundered. No man in the Shinde's army has escaped unscatched.

In all this action today, the city was not damaged. We will see what happens tomorrow. Holkar had threatened his soldiers that if any of them make their way into the city, they will be shot. It was followed strictly. The battle was fought between Kavdi and Banvadi. The Diwali festival was celebrated here earlier in happiness. The government's force did not take severe losses from Holkar's forces. When the swords slash, losses are severe. It was a fight of artillery. The Shindes took severe losses. Otherwise not much. For a few days, the pindaries with Shindes created a ruckus in the areas surrounding the city. People stopped stepping out. Some Brahmins were looted, as well as some villages. The Ganpati at Theur was taken by the pindaries of Shindes. Katraj, Vitthalbadi, Parvati to some degree, Ganeshkhed were all looted. Such were their actions, and it ended in defeat!

No. 6466 - 26 October 1803

Battle of Pune, fought by Daulatrao's battalions and the Peshwa's forces against Yashwantrao Holkar.

Letters have not arrived from Delhi and Ujjain. News here is that Holkar arrived with his force near Kavdi. For negotiations, the government dispatched Rajashri Parojipant, Narayanrao Vaidya, Raghopant Bhagvat and Abaji Shankar, Bhivaji Naik Kolte. Holkar refused to talk to them, and demanded that Kunjar, Bhaskar, Daji Deshmukh and the army's Bakshi should be sent to him for talks. After that he will follow whatever the Shrimant commands. Parojipant and Narayanrao Vaidya left and returned at midnight and met the Shrimant. The Shrimant then ordered Kunjar and Bhaskar among others that they should go and negotiate peace with Holkar. Kunjar and Bhaskar requested that they should fight him instead and they will drive him out. The Shrimant agreed, and asked them to do as they chose. Accordingly, Kunjar, Bhaskar, Deshmukh and Angre went to the Shinde army and met Bakshi.

In the first prahar of the battle, Kunjar, Bhaskar and others opened fire on Holkar's forces. Soon Holkar's army retaliated and opened fire on the Shinde battalions , the Zari Patka and the government's army. This artillery fire was heavy and continued until 3 praharas remained of the day. There was no end to the firing. Soon after, some 4 to 5 thousand pathan infantry of Holkar marched on Shinde battalions as well as the government's forces to seize the artillery. The fighting lasted for 2 ghatikas and swung back and forth. The Shinde campoo was pushed back eventually and they seized their guns as well as the government's guns. Fatehsingh Mane and the Pathans now combined their forces, marched to Banvadi and halted at the mansions of the Shindes.

The battle was fought at the open plain near Banvadi. The other news is that after the battle began, Shrimant had halted at these mansions and asked for news about the battle's progress through the kotwal. News then arrived that the Shinde campoo had been pushed behind, and lost its guns, and retreated to Gul hills. Leaving Parvati hill to his right, Shrimant went to the hilltops and halted there. Through Kunjar and Bhaskar, he got news that they had lost their cannons along with the Shindes, and that the force of Zari Patka was in flight. One of Holkar's sardars Hurji Holkar with a force of 8 to 10 thousand cavalry was near Chinchwad. He was moving to Aundh, and marching from Ganeshkhind, he was securing all the mountain passes as well as the route to  Sinhagad. After this news arrived, the Shrimant, camp followers, Kunjar, Purandare, and the remainder of Shindes' forces are camped between Vitthalwadi and Wadgaon.

When Mane and the Pathans learnt of this, they dispatched a force of 5000 cavalry to the south of Parvati, and they halted at the Shinde mansions at Banvadi. They have spared the city. Holkar has threatened to annihilate anyone who damages the city. The Shinde camp followers and bazaar that fled to the city was plundered by the inhabitants. Yashwantrao is now camped at Loni. He did not advance into battle. The entire battle was carried by Mane and the Pathans. Such is the news so far. In such times, if Rajashri Chintamanrao Apasaheb was around, it would have been very helpful.

No. 6468 - 28 October 1803

More details of the battle of Pune.

The battle began. Yashwantrao himself arrived in the front of his army and took a position with the Pathans. He led the Pathans to charge the Shinde guns himself. For 4 ghatikas ( 96 minutes), the swords slashed. In the end, Yashwantrao himself got off his horse, and sliced the heads of two enemy artillerymen at their guns. He was hit by a bullet in his right arm as well as a sword cut. Of the 10 battalions of the Shindes, 5 thousand or so were killed and another 3 thousand injured by the swords of the pathans. In addition, 2000 cavalry were killed and many more injured. On Holkar's side, 3000 horses and men were killed by our cannon fire, in addition to the 2 or 3 thousand dead in their campoo, as well artillerymen. The two European officers of Shinde's brigade were both killed. Holkar lost one European officer, and Sadashivrao Bakshi, one of Shinde's officers fled from the field. So the battle was settled.

Shrimant, and others have departed for Sinhagad. Yashwantrao was insisting that Shrimant should remain in the city. Then on Kartik Shuddha 1 Wednesday, Shrimant and his followers left for Raigad. Holkar's force of 12 or 15 thousand followed them. The city was sealed off from all sides and nobody was allowed to leave. Guards have been posted at the houses of the nobles in the city and demands have been made of them. The government's seized cannons and any surrendered troops are with Holkar. Vinchurkar's regiments of cavalry fought well. I will write more later.

No. 6720 - 26 September 1803

Battle of Assaye

Salutations from your employee Pandurang Chimnaji. I am writing on Ashwin Shuddha 10, from the camp of the army halted at Ajanta. The letter informing of my arrival in the army camp was dispatched by post, it must have been received.

On Ashtami Friday, at 2 prahars, Wellesley force marched to a distance of within 5 kos (15km) between us. Wellesley's turk swar (turkish/persian/mughal cavalry) and a few battalions advanced. We opened fire with the cannons of some of our battalions. For 6 ghatikas ( a ghatika is ~24 minutes. In total about 144 minutes) , the cannons were firing. Major fighting ensued. Wellesley lost about 1200 to 1300 Europeans, and 500-700 native troops from our artillery fire.

Daulatrao Shinde in haste, concluded that their army is broken, and charged with his cavalry. But it was a very inopportune moment. Their numbers were very few. When Daulatrao charged, our cannons had to fall silent. Seizing this opportunity, their turk swar charged us from one side. On Shinde's side, Yadavrao Bhaskar fell. Another 150 men were killed. Then the battle went badly. Shinde retreated. Some 25 cannons, a lot of stores and some battalions were lost. On our side, 3 battalions were destroyed. The remaining 100 cannons, 10 or 15 battalions, and whatever was left of the cavalry was able to retire. The camp and followers had already departed for Ajanta. On the night of Navami, the remaining cavalry and battalions also arrived. We also celebrated Dusshera here. Tomorrow we will march from here and cross the Godavari.

Wellesley has also taken severe losses and fears the Marathi army. But since we lost this, he has spread out his forces. We will march for a few days and clash again, it seems. We will split the forces and march into the Nawab's territory. Today we rested, tomorrow we will march. The battalions of Shindes fought well. But they lacked patience. As this force was large, we had a lot of material, and Wellesley did not risk a pursuit. We have also sent letters to Holkar. I was also ordered to report sooner, but until my preparations were done, how could I reach sooner? Thinking so, I have replied that due to the chaos of the battle, I have been delayed by two days and unable to discuss anything. All the discussions I was tasked to do have been done. When I get all the responses, I will write immediately.

No. 6788 - 7 February 1804

Details of the capture of Agra and the battle of Laswari from the previous year.

News from here is- on 24 Mahe Jamadil, the Patshah's troops came here and camped for 12 days. Then they marched towards Agra. They left some garrisons at Shri Mathura, Vrindavan and then went to Agra. For 15 days, the fort of Agra was besieged and cut off. The soldiers posted there under command of European officers took money and surrendered the fort. The defecting Europeans, Perron and any others were sent to Calcutta by General saheb. (Lake). They seized 70 lakhs which were present in the fort.

Some remaining battalions of Hindustani troops assembled along with Gulabrao Kadam's 2000 cavalry at a distance of 12 kos from Bharatpur. About 15 battalions fought with the English. For 4 prahars, it was a heavy artillery fire. The English lost 2000 Europeans and 3000 natives to killed and wounded. At last when Lake himself attacked, the Deccani horsemen fled without fighting much. The Rao Maccheri's and Bharatpur's troops attacked our camp at the same time. After plundering the camp, they attacked our battalions in the rear and thousands died. In the end, the English were victorious. But their strength is gone. The artillery of our paltans (battalions) was also captured by them. Gamajirao Shinde, Rajashri Vamanrao Khanderao are in Kannod province with 8 to 10 thousand. The Jats, troops from Bhadoch, Rao Maccheri and the English battalions will soon engage them. Krishnagad in Mewat province has also been sieged. In Delhi province, all forts upto Hisar have been lost to them. Ambaji Ingle's Mahadji Anant has arrived here. He has sent letters asking to vacate Gwalior and other forts. The Gohad and other kings were given robes of honour by the English and confirming their holdings, have dispatched them to attack Gwalior. That attack is ongoing. Raje Himmat Bahadur Gosavi and Ganimbeg were going to join their forces. Just then Shamsher Bahadur arrived from the Deccan. Seeing the treachery of Ganimbeg, Shamsher Bahadur imprisoned him. The Gosavi dispatched a messenger to Shri Prayag to Munthi saheb. (Some English officer). He dispatched battalions and fought a battle with Shamsher Bahadur. Bahadur was defeated and withdrew to Kalpi. Bundelkhand province was seized by Gosavi and the English. Now they have also seized Kalpi and Orai. The forces at Kalpi, combined with Shamsher Bahadur and Jhansi, but they are weak. Bolisaheb will be dispatched to Jhansi. General Lake was near Fatehpur. He is marching towards Gwalior. Samroo Begum, Bhadoch, Sikhs, Jats and other smaller nobles are all with the English.

Rajashri Yashwantrao Holkar's letters have arrived from Udaipur to all chiefs here, announcing his arrival soon and ordering them not to join the English. For 1.5 months people waited and now finally joined the English. Ranjit Singh of Bharatpur met General Lake and agreed to some treaty. Similarly, some treaty has been signed with Jaipur. Everyone is agitated. The Patshah was given 60 thousand Rupees each month. In addition, he was to be given 6 lakhs as Nazar according to the permission granted to General Lake by the Governor General at Calcutta. Soon it will arrive. Krishnagad fort was vacated on Ch.1 according to the Akhbarats. Vamanrao Khanderrao met Ingle at the fort of Kannod. There is no place for people to go. We are surrounded in all provinces.

This is a translation of a selection of letters published from "Letters of Mahadji Shinde" regarding this war.

No. 435 - 19th February 1786

Tipu mobilizing for war.

Your letter has been received. On Margashirsha 10 Dashami's muhurat, (17 December 1785) we assembled in the camp. Rajashri Haripant Tatya (Phadke) has marched ahead with his force. We will follow soon. Rajashri Tukoji Holkar has also marched ahead of us. The Nawab marched on Chandra 23 Mohram (26 November 1785).  Bhonsles will arrive soon. Tipu's forces are 50,000 gardis and 60,000 pyada, 12 or 13 thousand cavalry and 150 field pieces. They will march to the Krishna river, according to the spies' reports.  25,000 gardis, and 10 thousand cavalry have been sent ahead to Kittur. As events unfold, we will write more. As Tipu is marching to cross the Krishna, Haripant and Holkar are being sent ahead to checkmate his crossing. Rajashri Mudhoji Bhonsle was also supposed to join. By now he would have joined us with his full army. The Nawab (Nizam) marched on 23 Mohram. When he meets, please write to me about it. The total force consists of the government's force, the Bhonsles and the Nawab. What is stopping you from destroying Tipu? The Shrimant's fortune is great. Write to me updates about further preparations and moves.

No. 444 - 11 May 1786

Mahadji inquires about the progress of the war with Tipu.

Tipu marched to Bangalore from Shrirangapattanam to wage war on the government. Beyond Shrirangapattanam is the zamindari of Coorg held by polygars. Tipu sent some forces and seized it, capturing some 2 or 4 thousand. Our forces then met them and pushed his army back. In response, he marched personally with his elite troops. We engaged two or three times. Tipu lost a lot of men and some artillery as well. This happened in the month of Kartik. Since then, all the passes have been sealed and there is almost no new information. We have received a report that after the battles, Tipu has returned to Shrirangapattanam. He was injured by a bullet. He halted there for 12 days. Some even say he died. There are rumours the king of Rome (Ottomans) may send some force for reinforcements. We don't think this news is true. We also received news from the English from Calcutta that Tipu may have died. We have already informed you of the same. Your news seems to confirm the same. If it is true, it is the time to expand the government's hold substantially. The Nawab has also mobilized his army. By the Shrimant's fortune, Tipu has been defeated.

No. 445 - 15 May 1786

Mahadji learns how Tipu forced the government into war. He strongly recommends pursuing this war relentlessly.

While the English regiments march, yours as well as Rajashri Patilbaba's letters have been received. We have replied that we will seek counsel and arrived at Siddhatek. Just then, the English made a treaty with Tipu. This left us with the burden of expenses. The Nawab too retired. Even Tipu started talking of negotiations. He sent troops to Nargund and erected batteries for bombardment. We also dispatched Rajashri Parshurambhau and Ganeshpant Behre with 25000 cavalry. When they got close, the siege was lifted. Tipu's envoy suggested that since the siege was lifted, the government's army should retreat, and that Tipu's army will also retire. Knowing that the Krishna might flood soon, we accepted and asked Parshurambhau and Behre to retreat. As soon as the river was flooded, Tipu broke his promise and put the fort to siege again, and captured it. As this news arrived, I have already written about it, but haven't received any response. He also captured Kittur, next.

The negotiations came to nothing, but we have taken losses in revenue. What more is there to write? We wrote to the Nizam for counsel. He decided to meet us for discussions, and marched to Yedgi and met us on 15 Ravilahari (15 February 1786). The Nawab has prepared well. 125 cannons, 40 thousand gardis, 25 thousand cavalry. Our army is 40 thousand cavalry, 40 cannons, and 10 thousand gardis. In addition, we have Holkar's 12 thousand cavalry, and 10 thousand from Bhonsles, in total 62 thousand. Tipu's forces are 50 thousand gardis, 60 thousand pyadas (matchlock infantry), 25 to 30 thousand cavalry, and 200 cannons. It will be a very large battle. The expenses are enormous, and supplies are tough to arrange. We are doing the best we can. Once the army camps, we will decide the further course of action. A few sardars have not replied to summons yet. So we learnt from Rajashri Sadashiv Dinkar's letter.

When Tipu signed a treaty with the English, we had an opportunity to march on Tipu and finish it between the two armies if we had been able to mobilize sooner. But the government's army took too long to gather. By then, Tipu's irregular soldiery was causing losses to the company leading them to make a treaty. The English complained that our army did not march in time. After you marched out, you met the Nawab and sent Parshurambhau and Haripant ahead. Tipu then raised the siege of Nargund. We recalled our troops due to the flooding of the Krishna. As soon as the river was unfordable, he returned to the siege. He is treacherous and does not keep his word.  The letters that you sent have been responded, but they may not reach you in sequence.

Tipu marched ahead, and to counter him, the Nizam has also joined us now. Holkar and Ganeshpant are now leading the vanguard. The Nawab is following us, and there is also the rumour of Tipu's death. You have already made arrangements for facing the enemy after camping. The Shrimant's fortune is great. We will be victorious.

No. 461 - 26 July 1786

Update of campaign against Tipu - capture of Badami.

Your letter has been received. News about the capture of fortress of Badami has been written to you earlier. We had a hard time, and the soldiers were sent to their quarters. It has been tough to arrange for their pay. The Shrimant must also have a sizeable army at all times by him. To this end, Rajashri Haripant, Rajashri tukoji Holkar and other sardars, along with their troops have been sent to their quarters, and I am returning to Pune.

After the capture of Badami, the fort must be garrisoned strongly, and the Shrimant should also have a strong army with him. Thinking so, the sardars must have planned accordingly. (Rest of the letter is about administrative matters).

No. 481 - 28 September 1786

Progress of the war, capture of Gajendragad by Haripant and Tipu's sudden attack.

The capture of Badami was written to you earlier. After garrisoning the fort, Rajashri Haripant along with his army, infantry, and artillery was sent to quarters in the Karnatak province, and I returned to Pune to meet the Shrimant. Our army marched from Badami to Gajendragad to capture it. Just then, we got news that along with Fateh Ali Khan and his full army along with artillery, he has arrived in the vicinty of Adoni. Chiranjeev Rajashri Krishnarao Balwant was given command of 20 thousand cavalry and sent ahead. Nawab Nizam Ali Khan dispatched from Bhagyanagar, Mogal Ali with Moin ud Daula, and Tegjung along with cavalry and infantry of around 25 thousand towards Adoni. But without the sarkar's army, they would have a tough time. The Nawab wrote to us saying we must combine the armies. At Raichur, Apa and the Nizam's army had a meeting and together they crossed the Tungabhadra. Haripant had camped near Gajendragad. The killedar of the fort feared that Haripant would put everyone to the sword if he captures it, so it is better to seek terms. There was no point in fighting. He sent an envoy to negotiate. After negotiations, the sarkar's flag was hoisted on the fortress. Earlier, this was the possession of Daulatrao Hindurao Ghorpade. After Haidar captured it, he strengthened it further and kept a garrison of 3 thousand. By the Shrimant's fortune, we secured it easily. From there, Haripant now marched further. Baslatjung's son Mahabatjung is at Adoni. He is a good fighter. They fought for 3 days with Tipu. Mahabatjung fared well in all 3. Tipu's Burhanuddin and Holkar also clashed in battle. We seized some horses from them as spoils- this has already been written. Badami's fort was captured by storming it, and it is a great success. I have received your earlier letters informing of the capture and Haripant being sent to quarters, and replies have been sent already. (Rest of the letter is a repeat of above.)

No. 492 - 4 December 1786

Capture of bahadur benda, clashes with Tipu's army.

The fortress of Bahadur Benda was with Tipu. We sent a force to capture it. When our army arrived, the killedar was afraid of our army, and opened negotiations immediately. He surrendered the fort. The fortress is quite strong. Tipu has spent a fortune making it stronger. By the Shrimant's fortune, it was captured without battle. Tipu's advance guard marched on us. We fought them and slew about 500 of them. 100-200 horses were captured from them. After some time, Rajashri Haripant also reached with his army. Tipu knew he was in a tough spot. Haripant is at a distance of 4 kos. Both armies skirmished, and fire cannons at each other.

(Rest of the letter is same as before).

No. 595 - 31 July 1791

Maratha army brings relief to the English army at Seringapatanam.

Rajashri Haripant and Rajashri Parshurambhau crossed the Tungabhadra. They met at Nagamandalam, combined their forces. They marched to Melkotte, which is 10 kos from Shrirangapattanam. Tipu and the English fought a battle there. The English had a hard time with supplies, and many of their bullocks and horses died. The Nawab's army, accompanying the English also lost a lot of horses and bullocks. Some of the force deserted. The English thought of retreating to Bangalore and retired 1 kos. Just then, Haripant and Parshurambhau marched with a force of 50 thousand and reached their vicinity. They met at Moti Talao. Our forces' arrival was very timely. After our arrival, the English, who had originally planned to retire to Bangalore, decided to stay 12 kos from Shriragapattanam. They thought of sieging Shrirangapattanam, but the river Kaveri was flooding, and it was the monsoon, so it was decided to camp at a distance of 10 kos. We had to garrison troops enroute, so it took an additional 4 to 5 days, but it helped later. We reached just in time. We will send more updates later.

(Rest of the letter repeats.)

No. 603 - 15 March 1792

Update of the war with Mysore.

General Lord Cornwallis and Rajashri Haripant laid siege to the fort of Magdi in the forest. The English stormed it on 24 Ravilakhari and seized it. The English have seized all the territory between Chennapattanam to Shrirangapattanam. Soon they will march on Shrirangapattanam. A force of 2 thousand from the Nawab was also present. As the force is insufficient, the English wrote to the Nawab, who dispatched more reinforcements with his son Sikandarjah. They are at [damaged] kos from Gurumkonda. They will soon meet up. Supplies are in shortage, and very expensive. The capture of the fortress of Magdi will help lessen the pressure, as it was a major impediment to getting supplies. Now the road is clear for supplies to arrive.

No. 604 - 15 March 1792

Battle of Shimoga - Parshuram Bhau defeats Tipu's general Reza Ali.

Rajashri Parshurambhau captured Holhonur, Bankapur, the talukas of Bednore. Just then, he received news of the arrival of Tipu's army near Shivamogga. He marched to a distance of 2 kos from them. Tipu's general Reza Ali had marched with 10 thousand infantry, and 1500 cavalry along with artillery, and camped near the forest, digging trenches for defense. The paga was sent ahead. They skirmished with the enemy forces, mostly with cannon fire, but swords were also drawn.

The next day, Rajashri Raghunathrao Nilkanth, Ramchandra Parshuram, and Ganpat Anandrao and others along with the gardi infantry marched on them. Parshurambhau followed in the rear. The advance guard clashed and broke through their ranks. They retreated further back to the cover of the trees. We captured some 10-12 cannons along with some tents and camp equipment. A lot of his men were slain. Reza Ali fled from the camp. Meanwhile, Parshurambhau moved to Shivamogga, set up batteries and was about to start bombardment. Just then, the fort commander surrendered, and our flag was flown on the fort. I will write more updates as they happen.

At Shrirangapattanam, our forces, along with the Nawab and the English clashed with Tipu, who was entrenched. After a major battle, he was routed and his entire camp and artillery captured. From the Akhbars (newsletters) we have heard that Tipu has retreated to the forest.

No. 605 - 3 April 1792

Conclusion of the war with Mysore and treaty signing.

Rajashri Haripant, along with the Nizam's son Poladjung and the English marched to within 3 kos of Shrirangapattanam. On 13 Jamadilakhari, the English moved ahead with 15 battalions and artillery. Tipu heard of this and prepared for battle. By the time the battle began, it was another day. Both sides took heavy casualties, at least 3000 dead, many more injured. By evening, our forces as well as the Nawab's also reached the site of battle. Tipu was forced to retreat, and opened negotiations and sent envoys. After discussions with the Nawab and the English, a treaty was finalized. Of Tipu's lands, half will be ceded to the three parties along with 30 million Rupees in compensation. Until this is completed, both of Tipu's sons will be kept as hostages. They were surrendered, and met us. This has been written to us by Hari Ballal. In this way, the campaign lasting a year and half, that cost us much, was brought to a close, and the cost recovered. The batteries near Pattan were captured as well. This is all the Swami's good fortune.

(Remaining letter repeats.)

No. 354 - 29 March 1785

Capture of Agra.

After taking the fort of Deeg, we sent an envoy to the killedar of Agra to vacate and hand over the fort. However, he rebelled and refused to hand it over. Rajashri Rayji Patil was given cavalry and battalions, and artillery, and tasked with reducing the fort. The fort was strong, and it has about 40-50 cannons of large caliber, and 150-200 in total. The men inside are in the mood for battle. Without negotiations, the killedar fired a warning shot. We are left with no choice but to attack the fort. Rayaji set up batteries and began bombardment. We started firing cannons, rockets, and mortars. Before this, we fought the men deployed outside and drove them within the fort. The fort held out for 25 days. By the Shrimant’s grace, we finally captured it. The Sikhs have massed a force of 20-25 thousand at a distance of 12-15 kos from Delhi. Ambaji Ingle has been deputed to repulse them. More assistance has been sent to him from here. We will soon march from here and join him.

No. 420 - 1785

Sadashiv Dinkar reports the force currently with Mahadji Shinde.

Shrimant Rajashri Patilbaba (Mahadji), Ingle, and the Bakshi together have around 10 thousand cavalry. The Gosavi and Vairagi have another 10 thousand. Ingle also has 3000 Pindaries accompanying him. Among the Peshwa’s sardars, Rajashri Shivajipant Bapu has 7-800 cavalry. Balwantrao Dhondev has 400, and Rajashri Krishnaji Pawar and Sadashiv Pawar together have 400. Apart from this, Simtharkar(?) Gujjar has 200-250, Zalimsingh from Kota has 200 cavalry, 200 infantry. In total the force is 12,000 and 3000 Pindaries and 10,000 with Gosavi and Vairagi.

No. 423 - 1785

A record of the full force in north India.

Total count of the force in Hindustan, cavalry and battalions

29,000 vs Rathores

10,000 cavalry

7,000 7 battalions

12,000 Gosavi and Vairagi

and artillery.

20,000 Bundelkhand

6,000 cavalry

10,000  10 battalions

4,000 extra forces deployed

and artillery.

16,000 Prant Jaipur

8,000 cavalry

8,000 8 battalions

and artillery.

21,000 Ramgarh (Aligarh) with Rayaji Patil

10,000 cavalry

11,000 11 battalions

19,000 vs the Sikhs

8,000 cavalry

11,000 11 battalions

and artillery

10,000 with the Badshah

4,000 cavalry

6,000 6 battalions

and artillery.

4,000 Delhi

1,000 cavalry

3,000 3 battalions

17,000 Miscellaneous(?)

10,000 cavalry

7,000 7 battalions

And artillery

7,000 Meerut

2,000 cavalry

5,000 5 battalions

And artillery

14,000 more apart from the above

6,000 Sikh Baghelsingh and others in the prant of Panipat

3,000 Baghelsingh

3,000 Dalewale

8,000 Raoraja Pratapsingh

4,000 infantry

4,000 cavalry

157,000 total troops

73,000 cavalry

62,000 62 battalions

18,000 Gosavi and Vairagi ( Letter has misprinted it as 81,000)

4,000 infantry

No. 500 - 30 July 1787

Battle of Lalsot - the combined armies of Marwar, Jaipur, and the Mughal general Hamdani fought Mahadji Shinde.

The forces of Jaipur, Marwar, and Hamdani joined together and amassed a force of 50 thousand to fight us. To face them, Rajashri Khanderao Hari, Rajashri Ambaji Ingle, were summoned. I had already written about this in earlier letters. Once they arrived, our army was ready. We decided to take the offensive. On Chaturthi, the army and artillery moved out. The enemy marched out to meet us on the field. Their forces were around 50-55k, and 60 field pieces. For 2 Prahars, there was artillery fire. After our artillery fire started hitting them, their battalions formed 3 columns. Instead of marching on the artillery, they avoided it and made a flanking move on Ambaji Ingle in the left wing. Ambaji and others led a cavalry charge and were able to break their squares into 2. Rajashri Shivji Vithalbapu, Chiranjeev Dharrao Shinde, and Rayaji Patil and Khanderrao Hari were sent to back up Ambaji. The arrival of new cavalry turned the tide, and the enemy was pushed back 0.75 kos.

On the right wing, Rane Khan bhai faced Raja Khasa and Hamdani. They were kept under heavy fire. Hamdani had formed squares and prepared to advance. Just then, an artillery salvo from our side hit him and killed him instantly. On the left wing, Rathore, Kacchwas were pushed back, while on the right, Hamdani and the Raja’s formations were broken. We advanced to finish the battle, but encountered very rough terrain full of nalas (dried riverbeds and streams). For 3 prahars, the forces had been fighting, but could not get any fresh water. The closest source was a river 1.5 kos to our rear. Our horses were too exhausted without a new supply of water. This saved the enemy army from complete destruction. But they took severe losses. About 1000 of them died in battle. Many senior officers were slain. Even more were injured. Shivji Vithabapu’s men fought very well. The complete list of injured and dead is being sent. Jaipur and Jodhpur combined their armies and marched on us. Despite this, victory favoured us.

The next day, our army was prepared to renew the battle. But they did not leave their camp and form up for battle. Their camp was very defensible. Surrounded by mountains, a river and broken ground. We could not have advanced on their position. In a few days, if they move, we will fight again and the Shrimant will have complete victory.

No. 503 - August 1787

Appaji Ram describes more details of the Battle of Lalsot, and the subsequent desertion of the Mughal troops.

On Saturday, Patilbaba’s army fought a great battle with the combined forces of Jaipur, Marwar and Hamdani. After the battle began, Patilbaba stood in the front of the artillery ahead of Rane Khan bhai. On the other side, Raja Khasa also took an advance position matching him.

Rajashri Shivajipant Bapu and other sardars pushed back the Rathores who had advanced, and slew about 500 in the first charge and pushed them back, as well as killing 4-5 sardars. Another 500-700 were injured. We gave chase for one kos. Hamdani was posted to the left of the Raja khasa (who was in the center). He was about to start marching to help the Rathores. Just as he began, he was hit by a cannonball and killed. This threw his formations into confusion and they stopped advancing. But our forces could not march on them either. The ground was broken ahead of us. Since it was almost evening, we held our positions and continued artillery firing. Noticing where bhai was standing, the Jaipur forces aimed 2 or 3 large cannons there and started firing.  A lot of cannonballs were flying around us. About 150 men and horses died or were injured on our side in their cannonading, but bhai did not leave the spot.

One cannonball passed so close it knocked off a portion of his sword’s sheath and hit another man behind, killing him. Ishwar favours him. Despite this, bhai did not leave the spot and go anywhere. From early morning till 2 ghatikas before night, the cannons were firing. Both sides left some guards and returned to their camps. Despite this, it was a good battle for us. The Rathores’ morale was broken. Hamdani died. If we fight one more good battle,  we will be in a good position - such is the thought of the army. But we had not realized the mutiny within the army. Their plan was to betray Patilbaba during the battle. If that was not feasible, to walk over to the enemy side during the battle, when we would march on their army. Thus we got to know. They had planned to execute this during the battle on Saturday. However, the retreat of the Rathores and Hamdani’s death foiled it.

While we were firing the artillery, we had trouble hitting them. The artillerymen complained that the cannons were of too small a caliber to be effective at the extreme range. So we brought 2 large cannons. As we opened fire with these, we got news of Hamdani’s death from one of the shots. They did good execution, and killed and wounded 500-700 men. This sums up the news from Saturday’s battle. On the next day, Bhai fired a few volleys from his cannons but they did not line up for battle. After waiting for 3 prahars, we returned to camp. Patilbaba also camped at the same spot. On Monday, all the battalions’ men, about 7000 gathered and created a ruckus, demanding pay that was in arrears for 7-8 months. Mahadji offered to pay a part of it, and settle the rest after the battle is over. Some settled, but the rest of them were in no mood to listen. At the time of the battle, the battalions had with them almost 150 field pieces and ammunition. They now seized these cannons, and demanded that the full arrears be paid, or they will turn the cannons on us. We tried to reason with them but to no avail. On Monday, with 150 field pieces, its ammunition and tumbrils, they marched out of our camp. Patilbaba summoned his major sardars for counsel. As the battalions walked off, 4-5 thousand men of Jaipur now stood guard, ready to receive the men. When this news arrived, we realized we could not trust anyone. Who knew how many more men in the camp were treacherous? It was not wise to continue the battle in such circumstances. On the other side, the Raja’s forces received the deserters warmly. By now, the Rathores also readied their army for battle. Next news was that Daulatram, Pahadsingh were advancing with their men.

Our men also formed up for battle. When it was 4-5 ghatikas in the night, a cannon shot was heard. Then we knew they were advancing. Patilbaba decided not to retreat but to fight and let Ishwar decide the outcome. Just then, we got news that their army was pulling back. For 6 ghatikas we waited. Shivajipant came to Patilbaba and Rane bhai. He said - ‘It feels like the Panipat battle. Whatever will happen, will be decided soon.’ Tomorrow morning the Kacchwas and Rathores will once again march on us. The defection of our men and artillery has emboldened them greatly. While our men’s morale is low. We cannot trust the battalions, Mughals and Hindustani troops in our camp. We don’t know what they will do in battle. There is no need for another test of loyalty. The southern army is far away. The Shiledars are short on food. The horses short on water. The terrain is barren. With what strength will we fight? At this time, we should retreat. After finalizing this, Patilbaba and me stayed at the rear, while the rest of the army formed marching columns to retreat. A few camp followers were at 4-5 kos distance from Lalsot. They were asked to retreat right from there. While this hurried packing and moving was underway, one of men handling the powder tumbril, lit the poweder and the whole keg exploded. It set off a series of explosions. Luckily this did not affect the rockets stored. We were fortunate that the rockets were not ignited, or the army would have taken severe losses.

When the powder went off, the camp followers thought the battalions had turned their guns on us. Already there was some panic in the camp, this made it worse, and started a rout. Much cloth, camp equipment, grain, utensils were left behind. The Pindaries looted what they could. After 4-6 ghatikas, Patilbaba started behind the camp followers. When he reached the former camp and saw the state of affairs, he ordered the camels to be loaded with what valuables could be found. What could not be taken was burnt. After 8 ghatikas, Rane Khan and the rest followed behind Patilbaba. Rane Khan stayed  behind to deal with 2 more rebellious battalions. They surrendered their guns and cannons, but he was prepared to destroy them if they resisted. Finally everyone halted at Khushalgarh.

Hamdani’s nephew, Pahadsingh, Daulatram with 15,000 cavalry came in pursuit. When this news arrived, Baba, Rane Khan and other sardars quickly turned around. Keeping the camp followers ahead, they made rapid forced marches and went to Deeg. They saw our army drawn up and retreated from Pimplai. We are relieved now, but the traitors in the army need to be investigated and purged. Naubatrai was in charge of the battalions and artillery. He could not have turned traitor in just a day or 2. He must have been in talks with them for months. Did this happen without his knowledge? Or was he complicit in this?

Patilbaba’s family and camp has been sent to Gwalior.

The rest of the letter is discussion of the politics.

No. 522 - 15 June 1788

Mahadji begins the offensive against Ismail Beg and Ghulam Kadir.

The army with Rajashri Patilbaba (Mahadji Shinde) has been sent with Rane Khan Bhai beyond the Chambal. They fought for several times with Ismail Beg and Ghulam Kadir as informed earlier. Right now both of them are at Agra. With our mobility, we have cut off their grain and supplies. But they are now able to get supplies from the doab. The new army that was raised in the Deccan has now arrived. This new force marched on Mathura-Vrindavan and wiped some of their garrisons. One paltan (battalion) of 700 and 2 cannons got news of this, and began to withdraw beyond the Yamuna. We intercepted them and slew 500 of them, and seized their cannons, and 25 horses, and a cache of rockets. Any that survived and fled to the river were mostly drowned, along with 2 boats. Such was the victory. Then this force crossed the Yamuna. There were more paltans at Mot and Mahaban, which were also eliminated. Ghulam Kadir's outposts at both of these towns were removed and ours established. From those outposts, we acquired 2 cannons, and 7 from the battalions.

Seeing this threat, Ghulam Kadir sent across the Yamuna into the doab, 2 battalions and 2000 cavalry and 10-12 cannons. News has arrived that he will cross himself. The Sikhs and Rohillas have created unrest in his provinces further north.   (Remaining letter is different matters).

No. 524 - 19 June 1788

Mahadji battles Ismail Beg's army and routs it.

Ismail Beg and Ghulam Kadir, retreated to Agra after their defeat at Deeg. They invested the fort and began cannonading it. For 8 days their forces were together. We cut off all their supplies with our army on this side. But they began receiving supplies across the Yamuna. Due to this, they were not worried, and pressed the attack. The new force which had arrived here, we dispatched it to the doab. They went to Mathura-Vrindavan and destroyed Ismail Beg's outposts, and eliminated the battalions stationed. We found 2 cannons and other supplies. From there, they marched to Mot, Mahaban and captured two outposts there, again destroying posted battalions. We acquired 5 more cannons. They gathered some more men from the zamindars and devastated his province.

When Ghulam Kadir learnt of this, he gathered a bridge of boats at Rajghat near Agra, and sent some cavalry and battalions with artillery across the Yamuna. When Jivaji Ballal Bakshi and Rane Khan learnt of this, they wrote to Mahadji, and this new force was recalled back to join us. When they rejoined us, on Jyeshta Shuddha Ashtami, we fought for battle.

From early morning till evening the battle raged on. By  the third prahar, Mon. Lestinau and Deboigne saheb fought really hard. Our force was divided into 4 divisions. When the enemy faced our attack from all sides, they were destroyed. We captured all of the enemy's guns, tents and camp. Ismail Beg managed to flee with just 50 bodyguards. We dont know yet if he fled towards Delhi or across the river. By the Shrimant's good fortune and God's will, Mahadji has won a great victory. Rajashri Tukoji Holkar and Ali Bahadur are still at Maheshwar. (Rest of the letter is political matters).

No. 525 - 21 June, 1788

More details of the battle of Agra.

(Repeated information about events before the battle is omitted).

On Jyeshta Shuddha 15 Pournima (18 June 1788), Wednesday, we fought a battle with Ismail Beg. From dawn to evening the battle continued. Mons. Lestinau and Deboigne's battalions were combined in the center, along with all the artillery. Our cavalry was on both wings, and one more detachment was sent to flank the enemy in their rear. Shrimant's good fortune and God's will has granted Mahadji a great victory. Our cavalry and battalions fought very well. Ismail Beg had with him 20 - 22 battalions. These were destroyed. A sardar who had joined him with 3 more battalions were cut down. 20 cannons were seized. Our battalions commanded by Thakurprasad and others, in total 10 battalions which had defected to Jaipur after Lalsot, 6 of these and several others had joined Ismail Beg. With this, he also had 5000 Mughal cavalry. Their entire artillery and the guns used for the siege were all captured. I will send a detailed report when I receive the tally. In spoils of war, we have acquired 5000 camels, 2500 horses, 12-14 elephants, many tents, drums, standards and other equipment. Some 2000-2500 of the battalion sepoys drowned while attempting to flee and swim across the river. Around 8000 of the enemy were slain by our cannonfire and the melee attack. For a distance of one kos (3km), there are bodies of men and horses everywhere. Among our high ranking sardars, Rajashri Dharrao Shinde's brother Narayanrao Shinde, and from the new army, 3-4 sardars were killed. Jivaji Ballal was injured in the neck by grapeshot and his horse was killed. Vithoji Shinde was also injured. Jivbadada's brother is in the new army, his hand was grazed by a bullet. Venkatrao Nimbalkar's brother has 2 injuries. In addition, Shivba Baji Nimbalkar and Bhavji Jathar and other 200-300 men were killed. 500-700 were injured. 2000 horses were lost (killed) by cannonfire. Otherwise God has been kind. After his defeat, Ismail Beg has fled with his father across the river to join Ghulam Kadir.

(Letter continues with news reports unrelated to the battle.)

No. 527 - 5 July, 1788

More details of the battle of Agra.

(Repeated content of events before the battle is omitted.)

The battle with Ismail Beg was enormous. Cavalry was split into three divisions, and one large division of the battalions. The battle began with cannonfire. Ismail Beg advanced on our batteries. Then the cavalry attacked from all three sides ( 2 wings and rear) and slew them in great numbers. Slaying the battalions, we captured 50 cannons, 8 elephants, standards and other camp equipment. A large number have been taken prisoner. Ismail Beg has a sword and spear wound. He fled with barely 20 bodyguards across the river to join Ghulam Kadir. The army performed exceedingly well. They marched right into cannonfire.

(Letter continues with other matters).

No. 574 - 25 June 1790

Appaji Ram describing the Battle of Patan

Ismail Beg, Jaipur, and Marwari forces had combined and camped in the vicinity of Patan for one month near the mountains. Because of the mountains, our forces could not do much. So our army retreated 4 kos away. We posted sentries at all the major passes both day and night. The Joshi (astrologer) had advised us to fight on Ashtami, the Sunday. As fortune would have it, the battle did take place on Sunday. Rajashri Gopalrao Raghunath and Jivji Ballal Bakshi prepared their cavalry and battalions and marched towards the enemy. We marched on them in the mountains (without any artillery) and started a general engagement. Soon, artillery was brought into action. However, their army refused to form up on the open plains. The advance guard that we had sent, then retreated. We sent some pathaks on the Marwari forces. These were Karols (dragoons), and they started sniping their standing army. They started taking casualties, and decided to leave their positions and finally marched on us. As they got closer, the Karols started pulling back slowly, and drew their men towards our army. The Marwaris realized their mistake soon, and started retreating towards the south. The ones who made it to our army were received with artillery fire of the campoo. Commanding it were Rajashri Jivaji Ballal and Lakhwa Dada. This fighting was underway on the right wing. On the left wing, Ismail’s battalions and Mughal cavalry were also ready. They advanced on us at the same time. At this point, between the 3 of them, they unleashed fire from 100-150 field pieces on us.

At this point, De Boigne saheb sustained the attack from the Marwari army on the right, and directed his artillery to fire on the  advancing Mughal column to left from its flank. Defeated on all wings, their army routed. This time, our cavalry rode them down and chased the rest. By now one prahar of the night had passed. Jivji Ballal chased their retreating army for almost 12 kos. But they could not be destroyed. The Jaipur army was able to get away. One of Marwar’s main generals, Gangaram Bhandari was said to have been killed. But we are not sure. Once we get news from Jaipur, I will write in detail. We have captured about 100 artillery pieces, large and small. In addition, we seized a great number of muskets and camp equipment. 14-15 elephants were also seized. By the Shrimant’s fortune, Patilbaba has won a great victory. Rajashri Ali Bahadur’s force was also here till today. Before this, Rajashri Sadashivpant Aswalkar Diwanji’s nephew Rajashri Balwantrao was enlisted with a force of 2000 cavalry. On the day of battle, Sunday, he joined Rajashri Gopalrao Raghunath’s command. Holkar has 4-5 thousand men. He faced the Marwaris. To support him, the Peshwa’s pathaks were sent as reinforcements. It turned the tide, and we won the day. Many sardars in the battle are new. But they fought with determination. The new campoo raised by Deboigne received a thorough test and it did admirably, he is a brave general. It seemed like Ismail Beg will be a troublemaker for long, but it was settled very soon.

No. 579 - 21 September 1790

Battle of Merta

Rajashri Patilbaba’s Khas swari ( elite guard) assembled on 28th August 1790. They halted for Gokul Ashtami. Marching from there to Shantunukund, a place for pilgrimage. It is 3 kos from Mathura. From there, the plan was to march to both Jaipur and Marwar territories. After defeating Ismail Beg, our forces went into Marwar. This force captured Sambhar and other places. From there, they marched to Ajmer and captured the city. The fort was invested and bombarded for 10-12 days. By then, the enemy’s forces amassed and gathered near Merta. Intending to give battle, they marched towards us, to within 5 kos of Ajmer. To meet this army, Rajashri Gopalrao Raghunath, Rajashri Jivbadada and Rajashri Lakhwadada left some forces to continue the siege and marched towards the enemy. On Bhadrapad Tritiya, Friday, a big battle ensued.

On the day of battle, our forces took the initiative and advanced to attack. We formed 3 columns. In the center was the artillery and the campoos. Gopalrao Raghunath formed the reserves in the rear. The right wing was Jivbadada and the left wing was Lakhwadada. The Marwaris formed 7 columns and advanced to face us. The first to engage was on our left wing. The Marwaris attacked very strongly, and weakened our left wing. They advanced so far, they almost reached the rear reserves with Gopalrao. But they could not withstand the fire from the campoo in the center. So they regrouped and concentrated all their attack on our right wing. Our right wing was now also pushed back. But the campoo fell on its flank, and routed it. The Marwaris retreated to Nagore. There 8 major nobles among their army, including Bhivrao Bakshi and his son, and Chapavat Shivsingh. Of these, 5-7 fell in the fighting. At this time, some sardars of their army, like Gangaram Bhandari and Aliyavar beg Khan and other 2 or 4 sardars fled. By this point Merta was almost completely vacated, and we captured some sardars. We have captured about 25-27 cannons and some tents and camp baggage. Other than this we also seized horses, camels, elephants. I will also send details of our dead and wounded.

No. 587 - 6 January 1791

Terms of treaty with Jodhpur

Marwar’s vakil Budhsingh has met us. He is here to negotiate a peace treaty. It has been settled. The terms are as follows

Arrears of 50 lakhs, 5 lakhs as expenses for the durbar, and 5 lakhs as nazar for Patilbaba. The details are

40,00,000 yearly dues arrears

7,00,000 previous arrears

8,00,000 2 lakhs per month for 4 months

15,00,000 ?

10,00,000  worth of camels, horses, etc

20,00,000  from next year, each year’s tribute is to be 5 lakhs. 20 lakhs for 4 year dues.

——

60,00,000 total

Some other miscellaneous terms follow regarding forts and jagirs.

No. 591 - 12 February 1791

Terms granted to Jaipur

Peace has been negotiated with Jaipur and Jodhpur. Their vakil Pahadsingh has arrived. A settlement has been negotiated at 15 lakhs. The treaty is as follows-

300,000 to be paid upfront.

100,000  cloth, elephants, horses

11,00,000 to be collected from specified jagirs with our army.

—-

15,00,000

When the battalions betrayed us and went over to Jaipur, they took all our artillery with them. This is compensation for it. In addition, the arrears had mounted to 63 lakhs. Whatever is payable should be paid now, and the rest over several years. We will see what happens.

The remaining letter is about the politics between Holkar, Shinde and Ali Bahadur.

No. 592 - 7 March 1791

Occupation of Ajmer

The fort of Ajmer finally capitulated, and has been occupied.

No. 599 - 4 December 1791

Siege of Chittorgarh

Bhimsingh held the fort of Chittor. But the Rana had no control over it. The Ranaji met us for the same. He requested us to restore it to him. We marched with him and set up camp near it. Bhimsingh fired upon us, so we set up batteries and invested the fort. After 12 days of bombardment, on Karthik month Thursday, (17 November 1791), he asked for peace terms. The fort was handed over to Ranaji and raised his flag. In the past, the Mughal emperor Akbar had to spend a long time siegeing this fort. But it fell within 12 days to us. We left some cavalry and battalions with Ranaji, we marched to Ujjain.

No.600 - 14 December 1791

Mahadji defeats Ismail Beg near Kanod.

After Marwar’s king Bijaysingh informed him, Ismail Beg left and went to the Shekhawati lands near Jaipur. Neither king was willing to host him. He was left with no choice. Kanod’s fort, held by Najaf Kuli Khan had been invested by Rajashri Khanderrao Hari. Najaf Kuli’s begum was in the fort. After getting in touch with her, he marched from Jaipur to Kanod. He had 6-7 thousand cavalry, 25 field pieces. When he got within 5 kos of Kanod, Rajashri Khanderrao got news of it. Raising the siege, he assembled his battalions and cavalry. On the next day, Margashirsha Shuddha Navmi ( 4 December 1791) Sunday, Ismail Beg brought his cannons into action. Both sides fired at each other. From the 2nd prahar to the third, there was a heavy firing from both sides. After this, Khanderrao advanced with both battalions and the cavalry. Beg’s army was routed and his field pieces captured. He fled with just 4 bodyguards to the fort of Kanod. Khanderrao’s cavalry and battalions are still there. Another small force arrived from Mathura to help. When it arrives, we will seize the fort.

Meanwhile, for the Marathas, vacating this crucial province would show Marathi weakness. This meant loss of control on the Mughals, and other tributaries in the north, as well as loss of territories in Bundelkhand. A junction of the forces would make for a very large combined army that would have been difficult to face, and endanger Pune.

Eventually, maintaing such a large force without risking battle drained the East India Company's treasury, and reverses in the Konkan and the army's rout led to the English to sue for peace. A separate post will cover the battles between Raghunathrao, Haripant Phadke- the Peshwai's general and the English in the southern theatre.

No. 84 - 27th February 1780

Fight put up by the garrison at Ahmedabad.

The English marched to Ahmedabad. Rajshri Fatesingh Gaekwad joined them. Rajashri Shinde, Visaji Appaji and Bhagirathrao's forces were sent for its relief.

No. 92 - 7th April, 1780

Appaji Ram writes about an indecisive battle  between the English and Marathas near Baroda to Nana Fadnavis.

It has been a month since skirmishes began with the English. Almost every day there is some cannon fire. Few days ago, early in the dawn, the entire English force marched on us. But we knew of their advance 4-5 ghatikas in advance, so we were prepared. For 2-3 ghatikas, there was artillery fire. We lost 10 good men, and another 40-50 injured. They lost 2-3 officers, 30-35 English soldiers and another 100-150 injured. For 2 ghatikas after, it became a general engagement. The fire from their formations was severe, and the ground was unsuitable, with lots of trees. Still, we pushed them back 2 kos. There is no access to water in any direction, so we could not encircle them. Since Fatesingh is on their side, they know minute details of this province, and are able to easily get supplies. We still have the route from Malwa, so we can manage. 2 campoos arrived at Gohad. The Gohad chief left his position and marched out. Ambaji Ingle, Khanderao Hari, and the sarkar's regiments have assembled. But all their baggage has not arrived.

No. 95 - 15th April, 1780

News about fighting.

Gaekwads and the English marched together to Ahmedabad. They captured Ahmedabad- you must have received news of this. In the month of Bhadrapad, I had heard 20k men will be sent to Ahmedabad. If they had done so, we would not have lost Ahmedabad. What has happened, is in the past now. Mahadji is of the opinion that any sardar we can spare should be engaged and dispatched to recapture it. They are awaiting your orders.

No. 98 - 24th April, 1780

Mahadji Shinde attempts a night attack

Mahadji and his subhedars marched on the English today. The sardars were supposed to flank and enveloup the English camp from 3 sides. Unfortunately, both the sardars lost their way. Even after dawn, they had not made contact. The English sent some paltans towards them. In the skirmishing that followed, about 500-700 of our men engaged theirs. We lost 4-5 men from the paga. The English moved camp to near Baroda. We couldnt get any water for 4 prahars. Over the campaign, we have lost 3-4k horse due to logistical shortages of food and water. In the evening, we retired. We were going to make another attack after a day, but the English force marched in the right to Baroda.

No. 99 - 25th April, 1780

More details of the battle - Battle of Savli

Mahadji and Holkar marched with their entire force, and artillery on the English position. Their forces made a frontal attack, while Mahadji led a force in a flank attack to encircle them. They were intercepted by English paltans, and a firefight followed. Mahadji was in the rear, while Holkar was in the front of this attack. Our men were few 500-700, while the English had 2-3 paltans (2-3 battalions, 2-3k). We were forced to retreat, and they seized some camels and horses. The English then moved to Savli, where the fight continued. In the firing, the English lost 40-50 while we lost 10 and many more injured. By now, our horses had not received fresh water for a day. This is a terrible place to fight, there is no water anywhere. In total, we had already lost 3-4k horses. In the midnight, more reinforcements arrived, and in the morning, more cavalry and artillery. They rested for a day then deployed against the English force. However, the English had already marched to Baroda.

No. 136 - 3rd March 1781

Mahadji Shinde writes to Nana Fadnavis about the English defeat at Sironj.

The English were at Sipri. We received that they have moved to Sironj. As soon as we heard this, we marched to Sironj. The English camp was 1 kos south of the town. On the first day, some light skirmishing followed. We pushed their paltans back to their camp. We had a good supply of long range cannons and rockets. The English knew they could not face us in the field. So marching by night, they moved to the town, where they had cover. Using the town as cover, they fire at us and we fire back. We've covered all routes from the town and bombard it daily. In a few days, they will probably surrender or retreat. As soon as this matter is done, my troops will be free to be dispatched to you. I heard Goddard climbed the ghats to the top, and that sarkar's troops and Holkar are already there to face him. The terrain is very rocky, and cavalry is not much of use. Now that he is past the ghats, its open terrain. If the sardars coordinate, his force will be finished. The presence of English troops at the ghats may have caused some panic, but our troops are steadfast. Be bold and strike hard. I will finish this force soon and be on my way.

No. 137, 138 -  7th March 1781

English retreat from Sironj. Comac's force is surrounded. Season too advanced to march into enemy lands.

The English retreated to the cover of the town of Sironj. Every day we bombard it with cannonfire and rockets. We received news that the English will march in the night and retreat from the town. Our force skirmished with his retreating column for 8 kos till Gopalpur/Chanderi. The English lost 300 English soldiers, cavalry, and 2-3 higher ranking officers. We also seized their gunpowder, camels and shot. They made tight closed formations and marched slowly. We surrounded them and shot at them. In a few days this force will be annihilated. I am writing this from the field, I'll write more later.

The English force at Sironj was about 8 paltans ( 8 battalions, 8k men), along with cavalry and artillery - at least 14 field pieces.

No. 139 - 8th March 1781

Sadashiv Dinkar writes about the Malwa battle

If this battle had happened in the Ashwin month, we could have marched to Bengal. Ingle, Bakshi, Vairagi, Gosavi, and the force at Khechi amounts to 28k. But without Mahadji, they won't be able to destroy the (English) battalions. It is good that Mahadji is winning quickly. Are the English battalions at Agra- English troops or Persian? If they are English, be careful when meeting them in battle. Don't let them combine with their other forces. Intercept them and destroy them piecemeal.

No 140 - 21st March 1781

Mahadji harassing the retreating English column

"Goddard with 10 battalions and 30 field guns marched to Khopoli. He kept half his force at the ghats, and descended with the other half into the plains. Haripant and Holkar were at 3 kos distance. They took some field pieces and engaged the enemy. As the English climbed the ghats, Shrimant has moved to Purandar, and the Pune city has been emptied. Parshurampant has also arrived with a force of 12k. In total, there is almost 50k cavalry, and 7k infantry. However, Goddard is not moving from his position into the open plains."

- I received all this news from Naropant.

I was ordered to finish my campaign quickly and join in Konkan. The English have received some reinforcements. They had 8 battalions, and received 2 more from the Raja of Gohad.  They have over 10k infantry, and 20 field pieces, and 1k cavalry. As described before, we engaged them in the town, and their retreating column. They lost about 300 dead, more injured. We lost 40-50. He finally reached Mahatpur. Our cannons can't make an impression on them here. They found a lot of grain and water there, though we have cut off any new supply. They may retreat again in a day or 2. If they leave again, we will intercept them again. Gangadhar Govind has written to me that one campoo (10k men) of reinforcements are marching from Kanpur to their relief. We hope to finish this force before they can join.

Engage Goddard at Talegaon. It is suitable ground for our artillery and cavalry. Dont engage piecemeal. Arrange your forces in two lines in the front, and both flanks, since you have numbers.

From Mahatpur, the English marched to Kolaras, where they had a fortified position arleady. The retreating column formed squares, with field guns at each corner as they marched. Due to the uneven terrain, we could not do much. We are hitting them with rockets and cannons, but much depends on the terrain.

No. 142 -  31st March 1781

Zalim Singh from Kota arrives with reinforcements.

Zalim Singh of Kota has arrived in camp today. He has brought with him 4k cavalry, 5k infantry, 6 cannons, 50 shaturnal (rocket launcher) and 10 batches of rockets. Now that we have fresh troops, we are considering an attack.

No. 146 - 7th April 1781

Surprise attack by the English.

The English have received reinforcements. By the time they got to Kolaras, they had lost 500-600 infantry. They entrenched themselves 1 kos from the town. We cut off any supplies of grain to the town. Our cannons were 7 kos behind, while their artillery was in their camp. On the night of Amavasya (new moon), they launched a surprise night attack on us. We got informed by a spy, but not the entire force. So some contingents stayed where they were. Due to the darkness, we could not assemble together. Nor could we find where their battalions are or where they would go. The ones who reached us exchanged fire with us. We ordered our baggage to retire a few kos. Unknown to us, the English had sent some battalions from the rear. The English seized 4-5 cannons. We didnt know of this until morning. We sent some cavalry to give chase, but they were too late. They had already taken the cannons. They tried this the next night again, but seeing that we had not spread out our troops and made a single large camp, they returned to Kolaras. We sent our cavalry to destroy any source of water or fodder in the area around the town, since we cant cut it off entirely. When they run out of supplies, they will be forced to march. The Gohad Raja has sent his vakil. He wants to leave the English and negotiate with us. From Kanpur, 2-3 battalions more have moved to Etwah. No matter, we will intercept them on open ground.

No. 153 - April 1781 ( unknown date)

Mahadji writes about the strength of the English forces.

It is hard for spies to get access to their camp and return. From what we know, they have 6 battalions of English troops, 2 battalions of the Gohad raja, in total 8 battalions ( 8k infantry), 14 field pieces, 3 Gajnal ( elephant rocket launcher), 200 turkish cavalry. From Sipri, they received 2 more battalions and 8 field guns. In addition, they have a few they seized from us. In total, 35-40 field guns and 10k infantry. It seems hard that a force of this size will rout without a pitched battle. I have heard they may move towards Gwalior, as the weather is very hot and dry.

No. 154, 55, 56 - April 1781, 192

Sadashiv Dinakar writes to Nana an update about the English receiving reinforcements.

The English are receiving reinforcements of 3 battalions and 9 field pieces and 5 elephants from Kanpur. They are 8 kos away. The force entrenched at Kolras too has not been defeated yet.

We heard rumours that the Gohad Raja left with his 2 battalions, but we dont know for sure.

The few large siege cannons and elephants they took from us are being kept at a entrenched position just outside the town, guarded by 2 battalions. Bapuji Malhar sent Ambaji Ingle with 2k men to Kolaras. Gosavi also sent 2k men, and Vairagi another 1k. They left from here at 1.5 prahars in the night. They attacked Kolaras and seized one peth (suburb) and burned it. There was brisk cannon fire from both sides. Gosavi lost 25 and Vairagi lost 10. Some bargirs and shiledars also fell. They are camping close to the town, but they dont have any field guns now. The English are firing artillery but to little effect. We are waiting to see if they will march out their infantry.

No. 166 - 20th June 1781

Mahadji congratulates Haripant Phadke, Holkar, for defeating Goddard.

Goddard climbed down the ghat into the plains. Rajashri Haripant's force intercepted him at Khalapur and fought a pitched battle. He took losses and moved to Chauk. On the next day, Haripant, Parshurambhau Patwardhan flanked him, while Rajashri Holkar attacked from the front. He was routed and retreated to Panvel. Another battle was fought there. They took severe losses. They lost 2-3 high ranking officers. We seized one cannon from them. They left a lot of supplies and muskets behind. At Panvel, they have crossed the river and set up batteries on the other side, from where they are fired at us. Our armies closed in. We kept some troops on this side of the river to draw their attention. We kept another 3-4k gardi infantry in the ghats. With the rest of the army, we will move and seize all places between Vasai and Surat. While retreating, he took severe losses, so he is scared to engage again, and went to Panvel.

Let me know what he does- whether he stays at Panvel or retreats elsewhere. Capturing all the posts between Surat and Vasai is a good plan. After its done, station the force at Kondai-bari, to keep an eye on Surat. At present, it is not possible to station a large force in Konkan. Keep the gardi infantry in the ghats, and seal the passes. The army can be stationed at Talegaon. Rajashri Pandurang Raghunath and Rajashri Naro Shivdev must have kept you informed of news from us.

No. 167 - 20th June 1781

Mahadji writes to Nana Fadnavis with advice for strategy on how to deal with Goddard's force at Panvel.

Keeping the river to his front, and a creek behind, Goddard has taken a new strong position with cannons. He has also sailed some ships into the creek for supporting artillery fire. The English have lost a lot- at least 1200 men dead, and over 2000 wounded, and many more who have deserted. In total, 4 battalions have been destroyed, and 4 senior officers killed, and 20 junior ones. Goddard's morale has collapsed, and he is unlikely to fight. Konkan is a difficult place to maneouver or station a force of 50k. A lot of horses have already been lost. Send a force of 10k towards Surat, and plunder any English possessions.

Madhavrao handed over the charge of the campaign to Trimbakrao Pethe, his father-in-law. An able general, and a strict disciplinarian, he won a great victory at the Battle of Moti Talao, routing Haider's army entirely.

By this time, Madhavrao's health had deteriorated, and Raghunathrao had opened correspondence with Hyder secretly to setttle directly as he expected an upcoming power struggle after Madhavrao's passing.

182 - 1 January 1770

Mahadaji Ballal writes about Haider's movements and their orders.

As ordered, we met with the army of the Tungabhadra in 17 days. We marched till there with the goal of going to Shrirangapattanam. Haider Khan was at Mysore. Avoiding his force, we advanced to Pattanam. Unable to do anything as his army was strongly positioned in rough terrain, we carried on. To check him, Gopalrao Raste has been deployed with 10,000 cavalry. So Haider will most likely stay there, or march on us. Ever since the Swami's orders have arrived, we have not made any halts. The Shrimant's wish is an order.

184 - 4 January 1770

Reports of the Peshwa's army and Haider's army in the province of Savnur.

I am writing from province of Savnur. Haider Naik is at Mysore. He has 14,000 cavalry, 10,000 infantry, 10,000 gardis and 25 field artillery pieces. Rajashri Gopalrao and Raste are at the entrance to Savnur's pass. The khas swari ( Peshwa's elite force) is heading to Shrirangapattanam. Haider has not moved so far. The khas swari will be 20 kos away from his army. In case he moves, Gopalrao and Raste's forces are prepared. As soon as news of his movement arrives, the khas swari and Gopalrao's force should catch him in a pincer movement. Shrimant Rajashri Moroba dada has also joined the army.

191 - February 1770

Atrocities by Haider Ali on the garrison of Chiknaikanhalli - Marathi soldiers had their ears and noses cut off.

I had written about Chiknaikanhalli before. Brahmins, Marathas, officers, and spies were captured and taken prisoner. Of those, Moro Khanderao, Narsinghrao Lele's two sons, Bachajipant Barve's nephew and one Maratha child were spared, but the rest had their noses chopped off. Nilo Rakhmaji, Pandurangpant, the 2 clerks, Haripant (not Phadke), Tukopant, 2 representatives, Moro Khanderrao's cook, and Kesoram Phatak, Rambhat Phatak's son - all had their noses chopped off. He has acted in a very evil manner. Kesoram Pathak, Tukopant went to Budehalli. Gopalrao Govind operated surgically on them and using some skin from elsewhere, restored their noses. The rest have gone to Sira. Some Marathas have arrived here, and we have ordered their noses to be operated on, immediately. The people have been very mistreated, the Shrimant is very upset. Murrarrao Ghorpade came and met us. A sizeable force has been assembled. The plan is to march on Bengaluru. Pandurangpant Godbole has been sent to bring good cannons from Konkan. He has also been told to go to Mumbai and get more cannons if they are of good quality. He has left today. Bahirji More’s infantry have reached here today. The rosters are being drawn up. We will leave from here in a day or two.

193 - 10 February 1770

The garrison at Chikanaikahalli was taken by a surprise attack and destroyed. This letter is reporting the same incident as the previous.

Chiknaikahalli was taken by the Shrimant, and a garrison force of 400 was left behind to finish tax collection and administration. Moro Khanderao was the head clerk, and some siledars were posted. Four more shiledars, twenty five rauts, Narsinghrao Narayanrao Lele’s two sons, and one of Potdar’s gumasta, and twenty Khas bardars were posted. The villagers were treacherous. When our men were collecting taxes, they secretly met Haider’s men, and led about 1000-1500 of them by a secret route. They used ladders and ropes, and scaled the walls on Saturday night. The village is large, and our men were scattered and resting. Some were able to escape, but about 300 were cut down. More Khanderrao was injured and taken prisoner. We are unsure of the exact casualties. It is unlikely there are many survivors, they would have taken refuge here by now. Haider’s men have relocated the villagers leaving it empty.  It is not usual for a garrison to be this small. But our men’s carelessness and the villagers’ treachery proved fatal. As soon as the Shrimant heard of this, Narsinghrao Paygude, Shahji Bhonsle were dispatched to Chinaikahalli. Mahimji Shinde was sent with 1000 men to Gurumkonda, he was redirected to join them. 300 gardis have also been sent. A new garrison is to be established. Gopalrao was at Savnur, he has also been sent summons. He will move to Budehal.

195 - 15 February 1770

Moroba writes to Nana Fadnavis, Haider’s territory upto Nagmangalam was captured.

We are busy establishing garrisons. The Shrimant had taken forts upto Nagamangalam. Bahiravdurg, the fort on the mountain is a very strong fort, we seized it in two or three days. With a few good men in the garrison, it is impervious to attack. Haider’s men have attacked some convoys, but he has not left his position and met us in the plains.

198 - 6 March 1770

Krishnarao Ballal writing to Nana Fadnavis, gives an overview of the campaign, and describes a night attack by the enemy.

We have liberated 10 to 15 small forts and towns from Haider Khan, their net revenue is 20 lakhs. We set up batteries at Nandigarh. The fort will capitulate after a day or two of shelling. After this, we will take Kolar, and that will secure this entire province. That leaves only the fort of Bangalore. When it is secure, we would have acquired a total of 25 lakhs of territory. That leaves only Pattanam and Bednore. If Haider Khan is fully defeated, we would end up liberating a total of 2 or 3 crore worth of territory that he has seized. Murrarrao Ghorpade came and met us. Haider Khan was at the garrison of Tarikir(?). Rajashri Gopalrao and Raste are marching from Budehalli. They are four kos away. In the Falgun month, starting on the night of Pratipada, the Khan attempted a large scale attack on us. With 5000 cavalry, 10,000 infantry, and 15 field pieces and 40 rocket camels, he marched by night, covered 12 kos (24 km) and came within 3 kos distance from us. However, we received word from our spies, and our armies were ready. Early at dawn, he started firing his cannons. But since we were ready, we were able to return fire. Our camp followers were sent back already. The element of surprise was lost, even though we lost some 10-20 horses and men. Haider then retreated. Even though he had departed, we were careful in our march.

206 - 30 April 1770

Storming of the fort of Nijgal, Narayanrao is slightly injured.

The fort of Nijgal is on a hill, and a very strong position. To take it, Rajashri Gopalrao, Raste, and Gaekwad’s men have set up batteries. The fort is enormous. It has a garrison of 1000 gardis of Haider. On receiving news, the Shrimant, who was at Devraydurga, marched to us. His men also erected batteries from multiple sides and started bombardment. For 8 days, the fort held out. Finally we decided to storm the fort. Everyone was assembled at dawn. Shrimant Raosaheb and Shrimant Narayanrao were in the batteries when the cannonade started. The garrison returned fire heavily. With much bravery, our men scaled the walls and took the fort, and wiped the defenders. Rarely have I seen such a desperate battle. Shrimant Narayanrao was standing behind Shrimant Madhavrao. He was hit by a bullet on his wrist. It injured the skin but did not hurt the nerves or bones. It is a light wound. It was his good fortune. A number of bullets and roundshot fell near Shrimant, but luckily none hit him. Shrimant Narayanrao was not fazed by his injury, but held his position. In total, we have about 1000 men injured, and 100 dead. Never did we have to fight this hard for a fort.

210 - 25th May 1770

Hari Ballal writes that Trimbakrao Pethe is to be left in command after Madhavrao's return to Pune, and Gopalrao Patwardhan and Murrarrao are to assist him.

Rajashri Trimbakrao Mama (Pethe) will be in command. Rajashri Murrarrao, Senapati, Rajashri Gopalrao, Raste and others will be deputed with a force of 25,000 cavalry with him.

In Hindustan, Rajashri Ramchandra Ganesh fought a battle with Navalsingh Jat. The battle lasted 3 prahars, near Mathura. The Jat’s army fought hard. 4-5 thousand men were lost by him. 40 cannons and elephants, and 4 to 5 thousand horses came into our possession. This news must have reached Pune. We lost 1000-1200 men dead and injured, and 800 horses.

226 - 10th March 1771

Battle of Moti Talao, Trimbakrao Pethe (mama) defeats Hyder Ali's army, near Shrirangapattanam. Haider is forced to flee in a disguise.

We are 3 kos from Shrirangapattanam. As per the Swami’s orders, from Tumkur, we marched to Hebbur. With around 7-8k cavalry , 45 cannons, and 15,000 gardis, and some firangis, Karnataki infantry with rockets, Haider marched on our rear. He expected to take us by surprise. He even marched within 3 kos distance of us at one point. He sent some 1000-1200 men ahead to skirmish, with the intention of baiting us to attack the force and then counter attack with his larger force. Our spies were very well informed. As soon as news arrived, the army assembled and stood in formation.

When he learnt that his ruse was foiled, he retreated to rough forested terrain near Magdi. We marched after him, and in front of Bhairavdurga, we made 2 halts near Hebbur. He had taken very strong positions in the forested land near Bednore. We could not follow him there. Since we could not attack, we moved and Haider followed us. He marched via Nagmangalam near Mailkotte. When learnt of this, Rajashri Krishnarao Balwant, Rajashri Sakharam Hari, Nilkantrao Thorat, and Bhavanji Wagh and Mahimji Mudhe, Antoji Mane,  with the entire army marched ahead. Haider sent 1000 men ahead to intercept these. Krishnarao engaged this force. They routed it and forced it back. We seized 250-300 horses from them. Keeping the gardis and artillery in the front, he started firing. At this time, Sakharam Hari was slashed by a sword in close combat. Other than him, there were no major injuries among the officers. We lost some 30-40 horses.  100-150 men killed and injured. By this time, the remainder of the army also arrived. There was a lull in the battle, and the armies stood 1 kos away from each other.

At night, to the west of Melkote, Haider positioned himself with artillery in the front. When we learnt of this next morning, keeping Melkote to our left, we went to check how his army had deployed. There was a tree line of around 8 kos. At some places, the paths were so thin the horses had to go in a single file. Beyond the trees about 1-1.5 kos, there was a large open plain with mountains on all sides. We were setting up our artillery there. But before we could finish, Haider’s army marched on us. We turned around to face him.

There was one route where he could move to Shriranagapattanam. We stationed a force there to intercept. Vamanrao Govind, Anandrao Gopal, Narsinghrao Dhyayegude, Gaekward’s forces were kept at the western part of the ground. From the east of Melkote, we dragged our field pieces atop a height on the mountains, and started firing on his army from there. Unable to retaliate, he retreated to the nalas near the fort and set up a camp. We set up some batteries of rockets and jezails on the mountains near his camp and started firing again. We also made a battery of 2 cannons and opened fire. Once again, caught in a bad terrain, he retreated by the night.

He slipped away without us finding out. Evading Vamanrao to the west, he marched by an unknown path to the south to Pattan. The batteries on the mountains noticed that the camp seemed unusually quiet, and informed us, but we could not ascertain the route that he had taken- whether he would go to Bednore or Pattan. Keeping Melkote to the left, we sent some forces on the road to Kadurbana and others on the road to Pattan. Haider moved 1 kos from the camp. Just then, 2 Turkish cavalrymen defected from his army and ran to us. They told us that Haider is marching to Pattanam. As soon as we heard this, we prepared our army with drums, and readying the cannons, took the same road. The advance guard that we had posted on that road intercepted Haider’s force. As soon as they made contact, they sent a messenger to report this to us and everyone else. As soon as the other groups got the message, all of us marched. With 4 ghatikas left in the night, the battle began. He had spread out his artillery in a wide front, and the gardis had formed squares. Holding these formations, he continued a slow march to Pattanam. There was a continuous heavy fire from bullets, rockets, and artillery. The fire was too heavy to describe. We were able to position our forces on his flanks as well, but the firepower was too great to close in. In our haste, we had not been able to bring our own artillery yet, so we were unable to press any advantage.

The way the firangi gardis are shown fighting in their pictures, the same way, holding a tight formation, Haider’s men continued pouring fire from artillery, rockets and muskets. (This portion has been highlighted as very important. It shows the Marathi sardar was well acquainted with European tactics, sufficiently to identify formations that he had studied in books.)

Haider reached 3 kos from Pattanam and halted at the Moti lake. We kept our forces to his left close to the water. To our rear were the huzurat, Hindurrao Senapati’s army, and Daulatrao Ghorpade’s son Anandrao. To our right were Vamanrao Govind, Anandrao Gopal, Dhyagude and Gaekwad’s pathaks. Just then, Krishnarao Madhav with great effort, was able to bring two large cannons and reached us. Just as we unlimbered and started firing these two cannons, two more cannons arrived. With these 4 cannons and rockets, we began firing. As his forces were grouped in tight formations, the cannonballs and rockets blew holes in it and created gaps.

Taking the Swami’s name, the standards were raised and moved close to his army. The Huzurat followed. All the sardars followed and made a tremendous cavalry charge on these disordered formations. The cavalry charge on his rear, where he had posted the gardis in tight formations destroyed it utterly. Cutting through the disordered men, the cavalry made its way almost to the front, where Haider was standing. At this point, his army routed, and taking 5-7 thousand of handpicked men, Haider fled to the mountain near the lake. The rest of his force was destroyed. This was a great battle. We have acquired 45 cannons, and 25 elephants. In addition, around 7-8 thousand horses, treasure, and standards. His entire army is destroyed. At least 2000 men were slain in the charge itself, many more wounded, fled or surrendered.

Of Haider’s men who took to the mountains, they made one sortie and were beaten back. 2 thousand cavalry were sent in pursuit. By now, 4 ghatikas had passed. Haider disguised himself as a hermit, and gave us the slip, fled to Pattanam. The rest of his men and officers surrendered to us. We imposed a harsh penalty, and after taking their weapons and standards, let them leave. Lalmiya, Mir Reza, Lala Bakshi and other senior nobles were either seized or killed. We asked civilians enroute for his whereabouts, but could not find him.

Mir Faizullah was supposed to be in the army, but could not be found. By the Swami’s fortune, we have won a great victory. A great number of men and horses have been lost by us as well. I was hit by a bullet on my right ear. The bullet passed through. It appears the wound will heal. Nilkanthrao Trimbak, Gopalrao Govind’s brother and Antoji Mane of the paga did well. Krishnarao Balwant’s horse was hit by a bullet. Anandrao’s horse was killed under him. Our men fought very well. The standard bearing elephant’s foot was pierced by a shot. It was operated and removed. The losses of horses is substantial, and a great number of men are injured. Once the casualties are recorded properly, I will send an update.

234 - May 1772

Total expense and balance sheet of campaign

1,29,00,000 total

65,00,000 huzurat

61,00,000

3,50,000 from tax collections

46,50,000 Expenses made by Mama till Vaisakh

17,50,000 Nalbandi for the current year not previously recorded.

10,00,000 Adjustments for earlier tax records

—-

1,39,00,000

23,30,000 campaign’s/ cavalry share

732,000 expenses net of jama

10,00,000

—-

17,32,000

878,000 Leftover balance

65,00,000 huzurat’s share

x1,50,000 kitta ain?

350,000 Share of tax collections alloted

——

88,30,000

50,70,000 Hali aiwaj pahije

33,20,000 Mamani pathvave mhanun lihile

17,50,000 total nalbandi for the year

• - - - - -

50,70,000

1,39,00,000